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Greater Eston Labour Talk - Invitation

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GREATER ESTON LABOURTALK 

"THE RED REPUBLICANS OF VICTORIAN ESTON AND NORMANBY"

  • Tired of the doings of Prince Harry ?
  • Think that Princess Ann is a tad stand-offish ?
  • Baffled by Prince Charles ?
  • Fed up with Fergie ?

This was nothing to our local mining forbears of the 1870's who wanted a "Red Republic" in Britain, the end of royalty, and who plotted revolution.
                        


Hear Labour's David Walsh, who has done some some digging on our long-lost history, and has found some great nuggets.




Eston Labour Club, Fabian Road, 6.00 pm, Tuesday 23rd October 2012


Justice of the Pease Returns?

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Also posted at South Middlesbrough Labour Party.


This week’s speech by David Cameron and his Home Office and Justice Ministers for a new 'tough on crime' approach, including 'open all hours' courts, televised Crown Courts and what they call 'flexible' arrangements for magistrates to lay down the law, including allowing a magistrate hearing cases on their own in places like Police Stations or community centres with the intention of administering instant 'community justice' to curb ‘feral’ gangs of youths, is certainly exciting some.
It is said these neighbourhood justice powers will allow local residents to more easily haul vandals, hooligans and other offenders before the beak, compel them to say sorry and force them to pay compensation or repair damage they had caused.   It will be of interest to see if this can be extended to serving bobbies chastised for having lowly origins or overcrowded, standing railway passengers, denied entry to a first class railway carriage..................
Trouble is, we have been here before, so before we get more dreary cries for the return of 'lock 'em up and throw away the key’ it may be wise to actually see how justice was meted out in the days of late Victorian Britain, and - for local interest - how this was done on our own patch, specifically at the Guisborough Petty Sessions (the magistrates court of the day).

 We are lucky in that one of the magistrates then, Sir Alfred Pease, who was the MP for Cleveland between 1897 and 1902, wrote down his own accounts in his book "Elections and Recollections”, (Murray, 1932).  This has been posted up on the invaluable Guisborough History Notes website (and here I acknowledge the work of its compiler John Brelstaff).  The site is a little treasure trove of old Guisborough and can be found on 


Pease was a man both his time and of that times' local ruling class.  From 1903, a Baronet, a member of the Darlington Pease dynasty (famous for the Stockton and Darlington Railway, iron and steel companies and coal and iron mines) they shaped much of Teesside and County Durham.   However, unlike the rest of the family, he had responded to the clarion call of empire and spent a lot of time opening up and exploiting large parts of East Africa, exploring tracts of Somalia and starting an ostrich farming enterprise in the Ugandan bush.

When, later in the century, he returned home to the mock Gothic pile of Hutton Hall, outside Guisborough, he returned to the family interests, but more, it seems, as a 'remittance man', attending the occasional board meetings and regularly cashing his dividend cheques, rather than being an active industrialist.

This led him free to spend most of his time in slaughtering local wild life from the saddle or the shooting stick. When not out with the local hunt or wining and dining he did occasionally attend the House of Commons, where a study of his Hansard record showed that his questions and speeches were all totally devoted to African matters, unless issues affecting hunting came up, and to which he responded in the fashion of an early pioneer of today's Countryside Alliance

A duty of a 'county gent' was also to sit on the local Petty Sessions, and so he became a member of the Guisborough Bench in the late 1880's, and it is from here on (in italics), and without comment (for it is not really needed), I allow his own words to sum up the attitudes of the time.  Of particular interest are the comments on rowdyism at election time, his biased attitude to 'his' voters (Pease was a Liberal, not that it made any great difference in how they viewed the Plebs), the values of the local magistracy and their highly 'flexible' attitude to the administration of law, but also a seeming desire to minimise the number of custodial sentences (even if the alternatives were just as bad.....)   So here is Sir Alfred's column.

“From the age of twenty-two I often had to deal with offenders in my smoking-room. These untried persons were usually led by a chain, and handcuffed, along three miles of road from Guisborough to my house. This administration of justice in private appeared to me scandalous, and I rejoiced when it was abolished and the Summary Jurisdiction Act was passed...” 

“on the polling day I note that the old order of things was dying. Even in Guisborough it was evident that many were voting without orders or ‘even against orders’! I asked one tradesman why he had not voted ‘yellow’ as usual, and he replied with tears rolling down his cheeks, ‘that Mrs ---- had sent him word that if he voted at all she would withdraw her custom, and she was by far his best customer.’   I have never understood this kind of cruelty, but it existed before the Irish brought it in under the name of ‘boycotting’ a system."

"In Guisborough that day, a mob, mostly in our colours and chiefly ironstone miners of the district, had possession of the town, and it is the last occasion on which I have seen rotten eggs used in the old copious fashion, with yellow ochre, “blue-bags”, sods and soot showered on the blues, and especially on the turn-coats, and it was very late before any kind of order was restored."

"I record that after that polling day Admiral Chaloner, Robert Yeoman, Johnny Rudd of Tollesby Hall, and I sat as Justices to deal with the arrested rioters, but went no farther than to inform them that they ‘might have got eighteen months and been fined £100,’ and we solemnly pronounced the affair ‘a disgrace to the town’. This leniency was perhaps the natural result of the satisfaction of I and my colleagues with Guy Dawnay’s victory, but a ‘good row’ on polling days was then the usual thing. 

"I am tempted here to refer to two of the Justices I have just mentioned, who illustrate the old order of things. John Rudd was the last survivor of an old Cleveland family, lived outside our Petty Sessional Division and was a peculiar character. He used occasionally to invade our Bench, and by right of seniority turn Admiral Chaloner out of the Chair, much to the annoyance of the Admiral. Johnny Rudd at these times arrived in Volunteer uniform wearing a big busby and horn-rimmed spectacles, carrying an umbrella, and with his market basket on his arm, for he did his own housekeeping."

"The Admiral, who wore ‘pepper and salt’ clothes and a high hat, in summer a white one, was an excellent Chairman, and administered pure justice with a considerable amount of language of the quarter-deck. If the Clerk ventured to question the strict legality of his proceedings, he would retort, ‘I am here, sir, to administer Justice, and by God I shall do it’.

"In those days it was extremely difficult, such was the law, to avoid sending young persons to prison. The Admiral generally managed to dispense justice by dispensing with inconvenient laws. He would in some cases insist on a whipping, and to get over that annoying defect in the law which prevented such a sentence, would send for the father of the culprit, and call on the parent in alarming language to request that the offender be whipped. Having secured this the father and son were ordered off to the police station for the execution of the sentence." 

Mind, being sent down in Guisborough for a minor offence wasn't all that much of an ordeal. Another entry on the blog mentioned that such offenders (drunks and public nuisances) were put in a cell at the Town Hall (where the small barred window is on the NE corner). The offender would be locked up for the night. Next morning it often happened that his mates would leave a jug of beer and a long clay pipe outside the bars, leaving the bowl of the pipe in the jug so that the lucky prisoner could suck up his beer as a hair of the dog cure for his previous excesses.   

Former Guisborough Town Hall, courthouse and jail

 
Sir Alfred's local role came to a sticky end when he fell into bankruptcy in 1901, something that, in those days, meant disgrace for him and his family and automatic resignation from both parliament and the Guisborough Bench.  In the time-honoured way in which the landed gentry and ruling class families dealt with such matters, he was again packed off quietly to the colonies, ending his active days as a local District Commissioner in the Transvaal, no doubt bringing to the colonial administration there the values and lessons he learned so assiduously in Guisborough, and which in their turn now again seem to be influencing the government of today.

Hollie Bush

Plus ca change - the "Teesside Troika" By-Elections of 1962

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Also posted at South Middlesbrough Labour Party.


By David Walsh

The electoral struggle now under way in Middlesbrough is one of a rare breed - a by-election on Teesside.   This one, following the death of Sir Stuart Bell, will have Andy McDonald as Labour's standard bearer for November 29.

Over the years there have been relatively few by-elections in this patch. But in just one year, half a century ago - 1962 - Teesside had three by elections in close succession.   Middlesbrough East had one in March, Stockton-on-Tees a month later in April, finishing with Middlesbrough West in June.   All these elections were precipitated by coincident resignations of the sitting members - Jocelyn Simon, Tory MP for Middlesbrough West, to become a High Court Judge, George Chetwynd, Labour MP for Stockton to become head of the North East Development Council, and Hilary Marquand, Labour MP for Middlesbrough East to become a Director of the International Institute for Labour Studies in Geneva.  This didn't help. Resignations of MP's to take up fat cat jobs are always unpopular with a put-on electorate, and puts added burdens on the new candidates for incumbent parties.

In the event all three contests were won by Labour.  Arthur Bottomley won against a lack lustre Tory campaign in Middlesbrough East whilst, on much higher polls, Bill Rodgers took Stockton and Jeremy Bray Middlesbrough West.    All of these three were, in Labour terms, mainstream candidates.   Rodgers, who many remembering defecting to the SDP in the 1980's, was a rising star of the revisionist Gaitskellite faction, Bray, a technocrat and party moderniser whilst Bottomley was a former MP from 1945 and who - before he lost his Chatham seat - was already well up the greasy pole of ministerial preference.

It is hard now to imagine (or in my case, remember) the world of 1962.  Across most of the UK it was the time when we were supposed 'to have never had it so good' with full and rising employment and shops beginning to fill their windows with consumer goods.  The Tories, led by PM Harold Macmillan, were in the eleventh year of a what was to be a thirteen year reign.  Front rooms were dominated by new TV's and kitchens were beginning to fill up with washing machines and snazzy electric ovens.  And mass-produced popular family cars were beginning to clutter up the kerbs of Teesside. Perhaps it was no mistake that one of the top chart singles of the by-election season was 'Wonderful Land' by the Shadows.   But one other record - Lonnie Donegan's 'The Party's Over' - may have had Freudian overtones for both the Tories and Labour.    

Both were increasingly insecure in the world they were now inhabiting.  For Labour, still licking their wounds after the general election defeat in 1959, a contest they were widely expected to win.   This defeat led to a wide spread debate on the right of the party about whether Labour was to ever be electorally successful again, a debate which led to Gaitskell attempting  to scrap Clause 4 - which committed a party in power to a programme of public ownership - to lock horns with the new Nuclear Disarmament movement and to resist calls for the UK to join the emerging European Community.  For Gaitskell, it was scant comfort that the Macmillan government, like the previous Churchill administration had not dared turn back the central planks of Labour's 1945 programme - the NHS and the nationalisation of coal, railways and the utilities.  


Hugh Gaitskell on the stump 1961


And, despite their electoral dominance, similar doubts infected the Tory Party too.  What had, throughout the 1950's, been a smooth and efficient electoral machine, presiding over economic growth and rising personal wealth, was by 1962 becoming more rocky, widely seen as ramshackle and faction ridden, overseeing an increasing cynical society and one facing an uncertain future as the reality of the decline of the UK as a world power was becoming ever more obvious.   A Tory party led by Old Etonians and steeped in the values of an imperial past was increasingly seen as irrelevant to a new brash and materialistic world.

Tory Election poster starring "Supermac" 1959
Paradoxically, this unease on the right benefited not Labour, still very much firmly based on its old class redoubts, but the Liberals.   A sign of this was the dramatic by election win for the Liberals in what was seen as an archetypal Tory suburban seat - Orpington in Kent.    This loss both compounded the self-doubts within the Tory Party and was seen by Gaitskell as a sign that Labour could not or would not come to terms with a rising middle class.   As this contest was only weeks before the second of the Teesside contests, the Liberals were buoyed up whilst the pressure on Labour to deliver intensified. 


But Teesside was not - and still is not - Middle England.   The area was still economically depressed compared to the burgeoning West Midlands and the South.   It was still overwhelmingly reliant on steel making and heavy engineering and under pressure in a world dominated by plastics and the new electronics sector.    Even the chemical industry only found some comfort from the plastic world - while the bulk nylons and polymers from the new Wilton plant was the basis for this world, it was (and still is) at the bottom of the value added pyramid, whilst Billingham's synthetic acids and fertilisers base was under threat from new emerging economies.

It was still an area remote from the rest of the rest of the UK.  None of the new motorways were projected to reach their blue tentacles further NE than Sheffield and the area was still a long 4 hour bumpy train ride from Kings Cross.  

So the magic of a middle class Liberal revolt was not going to happen - and it didn't.  The first contest in Middlesbrough East (on the same day as the Orpington fight) centred on economic issues and unemployment.  With 5.1% unemployed in the constituency it was not going to be an issue that would go away.  But neither was apathy and cynicism.  Both were reflected in the result.  Bottomley won on a 60% margin of 18,000 votes compared to 7,000 for the Liberals and 4,000 for the Tories.  But the turn out was less that 70% and that was amazingly low for a time when mass voting was still a deeply ingrained habit.

The second contest was Stockton-on-Tees.   This, coming less than four weeks after the by-election victory at Orpington, led some local Liberals to harbour hope of another success. They felt that in a seat where voters over the age of 50 could still remember a Liberal MP, enough of a Liberal tradition in Stockton still existed. The Liberals selected John Henry Mulholland, a 28 year old personnel officer with ICI   Mulholland was a local candidature unlike Labour's. In contrast Labour, had, in selecting Bill Rodgers, chosen a Liverpool born political careerist as their standard bearer.    The Tories also cannily chose a local man, solicitor Gerald Coles, and hoped that the reflected glory of Harold Macmillan's political past as the local MP up to 1945 would still resonate.  In consequence  he spent much time in the constituency to campaign for Coles, the first time since before the Second World War that a serving Prime Minister had been seen on the streets of by-election supporting his party’s candidate.   This also gave the contest wide publicity outside Teesside.

Rodgers' principal weapon of attack were the unemployment figures which had been steadily increasing over the past months and - like Middlesbrough's - stood at 5% at the time of the by-election. Macmillan concentrated on Britain’s application to enter the Common Market in his speech to a packed crowd at Stockton’s 'Maison de Danse'.    But press reports of the day showed clearly that this was not a popular or resonant issue with the voters who were -  according to the local press - unhappy about the treatment of pensioners and the government’s recently imposed pay pause. They also felt a general, if inchoate, desire for a change of government .  In the end, Rodgers easily held the seat for Labour with an increased majority, which he had confidently predicted from the outset of the campaign.  The turn out was far greater than in Middlesbrough East, with 81% voting.  The Tories came second, so the Macmillan magic had still, it seemed, some sparkle.     

The third contest was potentially the most interesting in being a Tory seat.  Jeremy Bray for Labour was also a moderniser and a right winger in party terms.  A research scientist he concentrated on a more socially mixed electorate in affluent areas of Middlesbrough like Acklam and Linthorpe for whom unemployment was not so resonant, and this showed in his arguments on the stump to create jobs and expand the Teesside industrial base through technological progress - not merely asking for the government to move civil service jobs to the area as did Arthur Bottomley.   He was up against a strong young Tory, Bernard Connelly,, a man long connected  to adult education in the Borough and a leading local Teesside Roman Catholic layman.  Perhaps the best way to explain Bray's approach - one in tune with his constituents who were often technologists and managers in local industry - was from one of his earliest speeches in which he argued that  "Teesside needs a deliberate attempt to diversify the area in its cultural and human aspects, not simply looking at industry as a merely automatic productive process." and that there needed to be greater state intervention " The Board of Trade estimates that if a real investment programme were launched in the North-East 90 per cent. of the capital expenditure would go directly into increasing the personal incomes of the people in the area. It would have a direct effect on labour in areas where there is an excessive demand for labour at present and no effect on imports except that of increasing incomes in an area where incomes are already gravely depressed among all sections of the community."   

These arguments touched a chord, and this was reflected in Bray and Labour winning the seat from the Tories by 15,000 to 12,000 - a decisive swing to Labour and in an area not seen as natural Labour territory (there had only been one Labour MP in the seat before and that was in the heady days of 1945).   

So if the Teesside by election troika of 1962 had any long term implications for Labour it was seen in Bray's win, a win modeled on an approach replicated two years later by the new party leader, Harold Wilson, who went into the 1964 general election under the banner of embracing the 'white heat of technology' and a more dynamic, interventionist state - and not one that relied on blind market forces. 

Today, tragically, we now face another by-election facing almost exactly the same social evils as the Teesside Labour campaigners of 1962 faced - unemployment, growing inequality, lack of investment in the social realm, pensioner poverty and uncertain, and certainly in the medium term, bleak prospects for young school and college leavers - and all presided over by a failing and out of touch bunch of Old Etonians (and, today, opportunist Liberal Democrats). The Teesside contests were a harbinger of Labour's General Election victory in 1964; Let us hope the same will be true of Middlesbrough on November 29th and - for the nation - in 2015.   But, for Labour, it still means that we cannot rely on mere discontent with the government, or meekly following focus group groupthink - but on success through a deep, no-holds barred analysis of our present society and its economic, social and cultural underpinning.  Nothing less can suffice.

An expensive way to read about our past

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Also posted at South Middlesbrough Labour Party.


By David Walsh

The Weekly Worker magazine may be one of the more dogmatic outposts of the far left press, but it has one redeeming feature in that it often carries review articles by former County Durham NUM activist, Dave Douglass.   Well written and iconoclastic they stand out amongst the surrounding grey sectariana.  Dave has now come across a new academic volume of the history of Middlesbrough as a manufacturing town, and in his review (copied and pasted below) he does us a service by reminding us of the great Lock Out of the ironworkers of 1866.  This dispute, sparked by the sacking of workers at a Darlington steelworks over a pay dispute, led to a stoppage across the whole of the Tees Valley involving at its peak some 14,000 local ironworkers and blastfurnacemen,  and which lasted for some 13 weeks. The strike and the fight against the associated lock-out was resolutely led throughout by John Kane, the President of the National Association of Ironworkers, a former Chartist (and, see previous posts, an associate of the local "Red Republican" clubs) , and who, it was said, was physically broken by the struggle.

Bolckow & Vaughn Eston Ironworkers


This battle was ultimately unsuccessful, as was another strike that year of Teesside and Hartlepool shipyard workers after a shorter working week, but it did not kill the Trade Unions who, although weakened, were able to pull back to a position where gains were made in successive years.   This makes me feel that this blog merits a longer piece on these two conflicts for today's readers, and this is something I will be looking into for the coming year.

In the meantime, whilst I feel the price of £60 will not mean the book under review being in anyone's Xmas stocking this year, I will try to see if a copy can be made available via one of the local Boroughs library service.  If nothing else, it will be an invaluable source for any student of Teesside's economic origins and the backdrop for its emerging Labour movement.



David Douglass reviews: Minoru Yasumoto, 'The rise of a Victorian ironopolis: 

Middlesbrough and regional industrialisation', Boydell Press, 2011, pp250, £60

Middlesbrough Workers' recognition


Not for the casual reader, this comprehensive work charts the remarkable rise of Middlesbrough, Britain’s foremost iron town. Middlesbrough was a town which grew like Topsy seemingly overnight. It was said it was not discovered: it was more manufactured - “Cincinnati and Chicago are perhaps the best specimens of American-made towns with which Middlesbrough can be compared: but these do not equal in self-sustaining vigour or rapidly of growth of the Pease-founded colony on the banks of the Tees” (L Praed History of the rise and progress of Middlesbrough Newcastle 1863, p3).

When the owners of the estate started planning the town in 1831, it had only 383 inhabitants. As it began expanding, migrants came from Yorkshire, elsewhere in England, Ireland and Scotland. As the process continued, the Irish population would be greater here than any other English town other than Liverpool. Middlesbrough was originally a railway town, used to transport coal from south-west Durham, but after the discovery of rich iron ore deposits in 1850, the town grew swiftly through the expansion of iron and steel manufacture.

A whole chapter is devoted to a case study of the initially voluntary North Ormesby Hospital, and the development of medical facilities provided by workers themselves through popular subscription. The town’s working class spearheaded a wide range of forms of self-organisation, driven by the rapid industrial development, as well as the human causalities of the manic industrial process.

The great strike and lockout in 1865-66 had deep and lasting effects on the industrial relations culture of the steel industry. Iron and steel were among the first industries where workers’ organisations won recognition, but the employers ensured they were tied into a binding arbitration process. However, the nature of the plants and ongoing industrial processes made them highly vulnerable to wholesale unofficial industrial action. 

The great strike of 1866 had led to the creation of the Board of Arbitration and Conciliation for the North of England Manufactured Iron Trade, aimed at heading off class conflict. From the late 1860s to the end of the 19th century the joint arbitration board had introduced a sliding scale to fix wage rates. Unlike the coal industry where a similar sliding scale had ensured the systematic forcing down of wages to poverty levels and lower, causing mass upsurges of industrial militancy and anti-bureaucratic struggles, in the iron industry, doubtless as a result of the insights gained from observing the coal industry, things did not work in this way. 

The sliding scale, though tying the union into the corporate body of the industry, seems to have been advantageous to the workers, at least when compared to other industries and regions.   “In 1869 its first verdict was to raise wages from 8s to 8s 6d per ton. In 1872 came an increase in puddlers wages of one shilling per ton, followed by a further rise of 2s, bringing the puddlers pay to 2s 6d per ton. The following year they had a further 9d. While these improvements in pay did not proportionally match the ironmasters increases in profits, and of course there were intermittent falls, the institutions’ effectiveness in rising wage levels should not be dismissed. Between 1870 and 1880 above all in the first half of the 1870s there was a sharp rise in ironworkers pay and in real earnings on Teesside” (p 191).

Lest anyone draw the conclusion that paternalist incorporation and kindly employers are the answer, we should note that this response resulted from fear - fear that the workers might adopt militant tactics or develop less conciliatory organisations.

Another interesting fact revealed by the book is that the whole period of migration saw a massive imbalance of gender proportions - overwhelmingly it was young men who were on the move and sinking new roots. The scene must have resembled the frontier and gold rush towns of America and Australia.

Middlesbrough’s contribution to the industrial development of Britain and the world is in many ways pioneering and unique. This study, although largely a statistical and economic history, will doubtless become an authority on the town’s industrialisation and rapid development.

The Rumble at the Mungle Jungle, Redcar - the Edgar Broughton Band -v- Teesside's finest......

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There is one thing I think that most readers of this blog will agree on, and that is that the present music scene is simply dire. Gone are the days of rebel rock, the spirit of 1978 and the sheer verve and commitment of the two-tone days, Rock against Racism or Red Wedge.   True, some from those times - like Hazel O'Connor or Pauline Black - are still out there and still kicking.  And others from a time even before that are still with us.   One such is Edgar Broughton, the eponymous lead of the 1960's band of the same name.  66 Year old Edgar is still on the road as a soloist, and at the moment is touring under the label of a 'A fairs days pay for a fair days work".  This is in the spirit of the days when they organised a series of free concerts across the country in the early 1970's.  These concerts were political to the core - aimed at the way that the suits had eaten rock n' roll and fury at the return of the Tories at the 1970 general election.  One of these concerts was to have been at Redcar, and that is where the fun starts.   

Earlier this year, the East Cleveland campaigning newspaper, Coastal View, ran a piece by their enigmatic columnist, Hollie Bush, about that concert and the aftermath, and which was picked up and linked to some music blogs.  

Coastal View is worth a look. Unlike some local papers we could name, this one does not pull its punches when needed and also covers the local political scene in depth.   See

So, with permission of Coastal View, here is that article (cut and pasted below), which gives us a break from reprises of Johnny Mathis from X Factor teenage semi-finalists whose only claim on our vote seems to be that they come from Saltburn,Nunthorpe or Coulby Newham, from Sir Mick Jagger, a man now at rest from street fighting in the calm of the Long Room at Lords or Billy Bragg instructing us on the finer arts of exercising tactical voting for the Lib Dems from a seaside mansion in Dorset...................


Last month I unearthed and brought to light the long-forgotten story of the area's first rock festival - Teespop 68 - on Eston Recreation ground.  New to the scene of Teesside in 1968, Teespop 68 was followed by another - and far more rebellious, sulphuroous and controversial - concert in 1971 - the Edgar Broughton Band's open air bash at Redcar.   

Only three years may have separated these concerts, but by contrast with the somnolent 'summer of love', the early 70's, with soaring unemployment, an authoritarian backlash to the permissive society and a new Government headed by a grumpy conservative grammar school boy - Ted Heath - had an atmosphere entirely different and far more threatening.

This concert was organised by a guy called Harry Coen, and it was the news of Harry's death a few weeks ago, that spurs this article.   Harry was one of the flamboyant characters on the local scene in those days.  He was a reporter for the Northern Echo and ran that paper's Redcar office.  He was a brave man.  A former Durham Uni student who settled in the area, he became an object of suspicion to many when he 'came out' as gay and set up a relationship with another local Saltburn trainee journo, David Thornton.  David was also an interesting man, as were his mum and dad who I knew well.  
 
Harry was a regular on the local music scene - such as it was - and when in late 1970 the Edgar Broughton Band advertised for possible summer venues for the band to play at for free, Harry responded, suggesting one at Redcar.
 
The Edgar Broughton Band was of its time. It was headed by Rob (Edgar) Broughton who played with his brother Steve (drums), 
bass player Arthur Grant, and guitarist Victor Unit.   It started off as a Warwickshire based blues outfit  but by the turn of the decade had migrated across to psychedelic rock - and rock with a heavy counter cultural underlay. The band's management team, Blackhill Enterprises, were from the same stable, founded as a partnership by the four original members of Pink Floyd (Syd Barrett, Nick Mason, Roger Waters and Richard Wright), with Peter Jenner and Andrew King as business managers.   Blackhill were the organisers of the first Hyde Park free concerts, and the spirit of Hyde Park was now ready to be unleashed on Redcar.
The Edgar Broughton Band - then

Looking back at the meagre cuttings in the local press of the time and via talking to Steve Broughton, Peter Jenner and a contact of mine - Alastair Smith - who was there on the day, the story becomes clear - and shows how the backlash to the counter culture was very much in evidence in this part of Teesside.  
 
The first move was for Harry to identify a site, and he looked at Redcar beach and foreshore near to the Coatham Hotel and the paddling pool.  Contact was made with the local Teesside County Borough Council and a site visit to the beach by Blackhill, the council's entertainments manager and the police, appeared to give the green light for the concert, which was pencilled in for mid July.  
 
And this is where things started going wrong - horribly wrong. In the interim, the band played a gig at Keele University in Staffordshire.  But this was not a standard SU gig. The band played in a University under occupation by its students.  Put simply, things got interesting when the band distributed spray paint aerosols to the occupying horde, and this paint was put to liberal use on the walls of the Union building and the Senate block.  This led to the police being called, and 'shock horror' newspaper stories across the UK - even one fearing that the incident to could lead to more disturbances when Princess Margaret, as the Uni Chancellor, was due to visit the next fortnight.
Back on the road again
This led the council to order a total ban on the band coming anywhere near Redcar.  But the local worthies did not reckon with the spirit of rebellion that came with people like Harry and the Broughton Brothers, and this showed with an announcement by Blackhill's PR man to the local press that 'council ban or no council ban, there will be a free concert in Redcar on July 18th'. This statement, incidentally, was made by a certain Max Clifford (for it was a younger he).   Over the next week posters went up across Teesside "advising every lover of music and freedom to be at the Promenade at Midday on Saturday 18th July"  Armed with this vital clue (no sweat Sherlock) the local police also began preparing for the confrontation.   
The band  - two years on

 
And confrontation duly occurred, hardly surprising with up to 4,000 people milling around.  Just before midday the lorry carrying the Broughton Band, their equipment, the PA and the generator system chugged into view.   The police, as anticipated, formed a cordon blocking any access to the beach or the grassed area by the boating pool.   As this was foreseen  the lorry then started up - and with shouts from the band of "fall and follow us for free music" -  set off for the Dormanstown Recreation Ground, after Alastair Smith told them that the gate off of the Trunk Road was open.  

Alastair told me " My crime was that I led the band from the original intended site for the free concert to the football fields on the trunk road after the police had decided to ban the concert. After a mass exodus of fans following the flatback wagon with the band and equipment on it, everyone sat down awaiting the start. The gennies were started up and it was then that the police decided to drag us all off the wagon by any means they could. Hair, clothes and guitars.". 

Steve Broughton continued "After Alastair showed us the way to that 'Plan B" site, we started up the equipment.  I only managed to get off a quick opening drum roll before the police rushed the wagon and the improvised stage.    We were all told we were arrested and were bundled into meat waggons for a trip to Redcar nick. And there we stayed for an entire night.  It was a really weird night too.   There were about forty of us - band members, roadies, PA guys and a lot of local kids. We were all in four separate cells and the noise was tremendous. Once we'd been searched and charged, and the 'hard cops' had left for the night, the custody sergeant - a kind guy who looked like someone off the set of Heatbeat - told us if we all quietened down a bit, he would open the cell doors, leaving us behind a main locked exit.  This agreement was made, and he even then went out for some takeaway food for us - 40 people was just too much for the station larder."

The next day everyone was hauled in front of two courts. The band and their co-workers were weighed off to Stockton Magistrates, whilst most of the local fans, including Alastair,  ended up at South Bank courtroom.  Alastair remembers the mutual bemusement of the fans in the dock and what he remembered as the blue-rinse brigade on the bench when they came together face to face.  The blue rinses, however much they would have liked to order a birching session, had to recognise that there had been no violence on the field (if you exempt the Teesside police who Steve Broughton remembers being pretty heavy handed)  and ended up weighing most of the local hairies off with binding over orders amid wishes that they would finally grow up to be worthy citizens.

But it was different over at Stockton. There the police were determined to teach the band a lesson and heavy charges of incitement to violence were being waved about in the front of the bench.  The one unarrested manager, Andrew King put to the court that there were - in fact - serious issues of free speech and expression at stake and, in an impassioned speech asked for an adjournment, which was granted.

The final courtroom drama took place some weeks later, where, despite the best efforts and arguments of Andrew King and the band's barrister, David Offenbach, who has come hot foot from defending the OZ editorial team in the famous obscenity trial, the band were found guilty as charged. They were all fined £40 each which Steve recalls as a bit heavy - "unlike the top ten bands, we weren't that well paid, £50 a week normally, not so unusual when you remember that a lot of our concerts were free ones for the kids".

So there ended the battle of Redcar.   So are are there lessons for today ?  Well, yes.
  
The band -  as now and still rockin'
 As Manager Peter Jenner, arrested also on the day and still actively involved in music, put it to me " Yes it was a revolutionary act, but a revolution of idealism, a naive belief that music could be free - but you can see that this after all wasn't so naive was it - what with Youtube and Spotify now open to everyone with a mobile or a laptop........."

Hollie Bush

FROM GUNFIRE TO GUISBOROUGH - THE STORY OF THE BASQUE REFUGEE CHILDREN AT HUTTON HALL 1937 - 1939

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Before Christmas a good turn out of the local Trade Union and Labour Movement History Group at the Middlesbrough and Trade Union Centre on Marton Road heard  a talk by a local historian Peter O'Brian on the subject of the life and times of the Basque Refugee Children from the Civil War who fled Franco's bombers for the safety of Guisborough's Hutton Hall.   

Peter has written the definitive history of the Children's time here on Teesside 'A Suitable Climate'.    The title is an ironic dig at a comment made by the then PM, Stanley Baldwin who gave the wet and cold weather of the UK as a good reason to try and resist refugees from Franco entering the country.

The book is still in print and can be ordered from Peter at 3 Belle Vue Grove, Middlesbrough TS4 2PU at a cost of £7.50, inc. p@p.   Peter can also be contacted on e-mail at peter@peterjean.plus.com

As an introduction to the story for PRT readers, we can recommend (a) a link to an 2002 article by Chris Lloyd, the Northern Echo's Deputy Editor which gave details of Hutton Hall and other refugee centres in the North East. See


Whilst below we reprint with permission an article from May last year by the East Cleveland 'Coastal View' newspaper penned by their enigmatic columnist Hollie Bush and which gave an overview of the Hutton Hall 'colony'.


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As you are reading this article, a series of events will be taking place in the UK to mark a remarkable 75th anniversary, of what is now a lost part of recent British history, a part of history which I feel Britain - and nearer home - Guisborough should be proud.

This is the 75th anniversary of the arrival in the UK of 4,000 refugee children from the Basque country - a proudly independent and autonomous part of Spain, and now a favourite holiday destination for many of us.

But it was different in 1937. The Spanish civil war had broken out, and the opposition of the Basques to General Franco, the man seizing power from the legal elected Spanish government of the day, marked the Basque region out for his anger.

It was the destruction of the Basque town Guernica by Franco's bombers, manned by mercenary Luftwaffe crews practising for Warsaw, London, Rotterdam and Coventry, and which inspired Pablo Picasso to paint his masterpiece of the same name, which brought these children to Britain. A blue blood, The Duchess of Atholl, the President of the National Joint Committee for Spanish Relief, took up a campaign to urge the government to accept the Basque children before more destruction was visited on their communities,  and finally permission for this was reluctantly granted by a grudging Government. 

The children left for Britain on the steamship the Habana on 21st May 1937.  The ship, only supposed to carry around 800 passengers, carried 3840 children, and 200 teachers and helpers. The children were crammed into the boat, and slept where they could, even in the lifeboats or on the open decks. 


The Habana leaves Bilbao

The steamer arrived at Southampton on 23rd May and this is where our story begins.   A number of the children were to be found communal homes in the North East of England and Guisborough was to be one of the main regional 'colonies' as they were styled.

 

Basque Kids 'En Guarde'

This is where Ruth Pennyman, the wife of major James Pennyman, the squire of Ormesby Hall, entered the scene.  Readers with a memory will recall that Ruth Pennyman - "Red Ruth" as she was styled due to her left wing politics - has featured in this column before, as the person responsible for setting up relief schemes for unemployed Ironstone Miners in East Cleveland, and it was the skills that she developed in that scheme which were now uses in helping the Basque children.


Ruth Pennyman by unknown artist (on display at Ormesby Hall)

Early in 1937 she had been out to Barcelona, then in the front line,  and it was clear that she was deeply moved by the suffering of the people standing up to Franco and his troops and bombers. Back home in Ormesby, she used her social connections to put a squeeze on a fellow local landowner, Sir Alfred Pease, for the use of his Hutton Hall near Guisborough, a large mansion with surrounding parkland an, at the time standing empty. Unusually perhaps for a man who had spent a long life in the colonies and whose leisure time was taken up with slaughtering local wildlife from the saddle or the shooting stick, he agreed, and an initial 20 children, 13 girls and 7 boys aged between 7 and 15, arrived at the start of July 1937. 

They did not had a good introduction to the area.  Arriving off the Kings Cross train they would have found all too typical Cleveland summer weather - lowering cloud, drizzle and fog off of the North Sea.



Basque Children arrive at Darlington Station (courtesy of the Northern Echo)

But whilst the Basque children would have known nothing of Cleveland, paradoxically some Cleveland people would have known the Basque country well.  The local economy there was, at the turn of the century, built on newly discovered local ironstone. and as a result, this spawned a 'Basque Cleveland' based on iron mining and iron and steel works. 
Over the decades many Cleveland engineers and miners would have worked in the valleys of the Basque county sinking pits and helping to build and operate new steel plants. High quality Bilbao ironstone was exported to Cleveland's steelworks, and this would have meant local merchant seaman engaged on voyages bringing that Basque ironstone to the Tees, and shipping back Durham coking coal back to Bilbao.  These local men must have forged friendships with Basque co-workers and their families, and, whilst I cannot prove it, I suspect much of the local sympathy and aid that the Hutton Hall Basque children received came from these links.

The children soon settled into stately home life, with a routine based on regular, if spartan meals, housework, and lessons delivered by volunteer teachers during the late morning and afternoon.

It was recorded that the immense sympathy of local people for the children meant that much of the food was supplied on a regular donor system, and that many shopkeepers and local farmers and small holders gave freely of produce.  Regular cash collections were also organised by school children and staff at the Great Ayton Quaker School.


TUC Poster 1937 (Warwick University Archive)

Ruth Pennyman was of the left, but her Husband, Major James, was a staunch Conservative.  Although many leading conservatives were well-disposed to Franco, Major James was not, working himself at Hutton Hall, and on one occasion lending the grounds of Ormesby Hall for a monster rally at where the Prime Minister in waiting, Neville Chamberlain, spoke. But the reason for this was not party advantage - it was to make sure that Chamberlain met the Basque children and their helpers and to hear of their experiences, something the Pennyman's saw as a valuable, if emotive, lobbying for a more resolute approach to Spain from a Government wedded to a spineless policy of 'non-intervention' in the Civil War raging in a fellow European nation, 

But, by 1938, it was clear that the enormous support that the refugees had enjoyed on their arrival was fading, and that it was necessary to put a great deal more effort to raise funds to meet the government demand that 10 shillings per child per week should be raised by the National Joint Committee and distributed to centres like Hutton Hall. 

Again, it was music and the performing arts that was the key element utilised by Ruth Pennyman. Readers of an article will remember how she used the talents and connections of a young and upcoming classical  composer, Michael Tippett, to help sustain the 'self-help' communal allotments and workshops at Boosbeck which helped local miners and their families escape the worst of the hunger and poverty that came with pit closures in East Cleveland, and how she sent East Cleveland sword dancing troupes on fund raising concert tours across Europe.

On this occasion it was the fortunate arrival on the local scene of a lady called Consuelo Carmona in early 1938 which meant the survival of the Guisborough colony.  Consuelo was a well known Spanish flamenco dancer and cabaret artist who was a regular at top London venues like the Palladium, the Holborn Empire and the Colosseum.  By all accounts she was also a striking beauty and was a habitué at many of London's top artistic and literary salons.

Her vivacity and flair - and, I suspect, a dislike of Franco - led to her taking time out to train a group of five of the Hutton Hall refugees, three girls and two boys, to present fund-raising concerts of Spanish and Basque music and dance - something new to British audiences.  In February 1938, they took part in a BBC Concert and in July of that year they embarked on a 14 day tour of Norfolk which raised £250.   In September a tour of the Lake District was planned.  These tours were far from being a holiday as there was at least one performance in a different town each day.  The Lake District Tour visited Kendal, Bowness, Ambleside, Grasmere, Langdale, Carlisle, and Penrith ending at Keswick.   

Probably the most important tour was one to Switzerland which was held over the month of January 1939  This was most successful as Consuelo was able to write to Ruth on 12th January "We have already paid all our expenses and are having a wonderful time.  You would love this climate, not nearly as cold as Middlesbrough."

This was followed by a local tour  visiting Hartlepool, North Ormesby, Darlington, South Bank, Loftus, Redcar, Saltburn, Middlesbrough and Ormesby's new Village Hall, which had been supported by Ruth as the 'lady from the big house'.

The colony, however, was not coming to an end. The Civil War was ending, and the iron hand of Franco's fascism was to plunge Spain into a thirty four year darkness.   Both the Franco Government and the Catholic Church began to put pressure on other European nations to see that their refugee children were returned, and despite the fears of exactly what kind of country they would be be returning to, many of the Guisborough children did, in fact, go home.

But others could not, or would not, return.  Some had parents who had lost their lives in the war, whilst others had parents behind the walls and barbed wire of Franco's bulging jails and concentration camps. Others knew that the Basque country was seen as an irredeemable 'enemy' territory by Franco and could foresee only a bleak future in their old homeland.

Major James Pennyman summed it up in a letter "some of our children got themselves jobs and were making good, others were adopted by friends …….."  He sums up the episode;  "They made a mountain of work for Ruth but it was a job worth doing – and I am glad we took them in."

Hutton Hall is still standing and has now been partly turned into high quality residential flats. Descendants of the Basque children who stayed there are still living in the UK The Basque nation survived  the three and a half decades of Franco and is now a proud, prosperous autonomous state with its own language and culture flourishing.

If readers want to know more about the Basque refugee children who once lived in our midst, can I point them to a pamphlet written by Peter O'Brian, "A Suitable Climate" and which can be purchased from the Basque Children of '37 (UK), Association,  a group of surviving refugee children and their families.   Please e-mail their Secretary, Natalia Benjamin on  secretary@basquechildren.org. for details. Also of interest might be the two volume history of Ruth and James Pennyman "The Last Pennyman's of Ormesby" written and published by local historian Mark Whyman  (and which I have leant on for this piece) .  This is due to be reprinted this summer.  Contact Mark at 40 Bargate, Richmond, North Yorkshire DL10 4QY (01748 821534) for details.

Hollie Bush

Why George Formby, Pet Clark and Marie Lloyd should be on every socialist box-set

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Don't know if you saw this weeks BBC4 programme on Petula Clarke - one if the UK's first 'pop' songstresses of the 1950's and who has just hit 80.  Probably not, which is a pity as she was someone who stood up for highly political human rights causes.

Alas, last year did not see a re-run of the 1977 Silver Jubilee panic on the part of the authorities from Britain's rebel musicians.  A re-issue of the Pistol's 77 anthem 'God Save the Queen" (she ain't no human being) has vanished without trace, and some rebels of the past - like members of Madness - were so affected by the cloying insanity of the royal embrace that gigged at some upper class knees up in honour of Liz n' Phil.

So where are the rebels now ?    As the hot summer days lengthen over Lords Cricket Ground (so relaxing for Sir Michael Jagger) and Englebert refuses to even comment on the oligarchs and war lords who run post Soviet Azerbaijan, let us look back at three real - but at first sight unlikely - British socialist musical icons.

The first is George Formby, the toothy Lancastrian ukulele player.  Formby, born in poverty in a mill town, never forgot his upbringing and made a point of guying the upper class whenever he could.  For evidence of this, look at his 'Emperor of Lancashire' skit on You Tube ( embedded at the bottom of the page!)

Formby only really became the star he was through marrying his childhood girl friend, Beryl, an Accrington clog dancer (honest) and Beryl too, had distinct and jaundiced views on the upper class and those who exploited others - although I have to say that her hold over George could be seen to be a tad authoritarian..........

George and Beryl Formby
                    George was unique as the only British Musician (to my knowledge) to have earned an official Soviet decoration.

In World War 2 it was inevitable that George, as a popular icon, would be pressed into the war effort. In Let George Do It, he plays a ukulele player in the "Dinky-Doo Band" who gets on a ship to Bergen, Norway, instead of Blackpool, and gets mixed up with a bandleader who is a Nazi spy, sending messages to U-boats through his music. It was the first of two Formby movies to be shown in the Soviet Union, where it was retitled by the Soviet Fillm Board as |"Dinky-Doos" - not, I would have thought, a phrase well-known to Stalin or the Politburo. The film, however, broke Moscow box-office records, and made George as famous in Russia as Norman Wisdom was to become, over a decade later, with the heroic proletariat of Albania.

George thus remains the only British person to be awarded the Order of Lenin, which was conferred on him in 1943.

But there was more than medals.  Formby's naivety went hand-on-ukulele with simple human decency. On tour in South Africa in 1946, Formby determinedly played to black audiences despite threats from Daniel Malan, head of the National Party and one of the chief architects of apartheid. At the end of one show a three-year-old girl presented "the wife" (Beryl) with a box of chocolates. Beryl gave her a big kiss and handed her on to George for another. Malan then had the couple thrown out of the country. "Never come back here again," he bellowed over the phone to the Formby's hotel room. Beryl, who had answered the call, gave as good as she got. She told Malan: "Why don't you piss off, you horrible little man?"

Then, as we said at the start, there was the delectable Petula Clark  Pet Clark, still happily with us at the age of 80, became famous as a child prodigy ('Britain's Shirley Temple' as she was titled)  in the 1940's and went on to star in a number of harmless BBC Light Programme comedies before branching out as a rather bubble-gummy mid-60's pop songstress.  One number, 'Downtown' got to number one in both the UK and the US, and on the strength of that, she was given a weekly prime time US NBC TV series sponsored by the then mighty Chrysler Car Corporation - not bad for a child whose parents were both impecunious nurses at a Surrey mental hospital.

                                     

On one programme she had as a guest appearance, Harry Belafonte, the Jamaican musician and actor, who had helped make Calypso and Caribbean music popular throughout the world with his “Banana Boat Song”, which include a famous “day-o” lyric throughout.  Belafonte was also known for his support of civil rights and humanitarian causes.  He, along with an unlikely show biz pal, Tony Bennett,  was an early supporter of the civil rights movement in the 1950s and one of Martin Luther King’s confidants.  Belafonte had raised thousands of dollars for the civil rights movement, supported voter registration drives and was one of the organisers of historic 'I Have a Dream' civil rights March on Washington in 1963.  But, five years on in 1968, Belafonte was just an B-list entertainer coming on television in a guest slot to sing on Pet Clark’s show. 

During the taping of the show in March 1968,  while singing a duet with Belafonte, Petula Clark innocently touched Belafonte’s arm toward the end of the song.  Doyle Lott, a vice president from Chrysler, was present at the taping.  Lott loudly objected to the “interracial touching” and feared the brief moment would offend both Southern viewers and affect Chrysler sales south of the Mason Dixon line.  Lott insisted they substitute a different take – one with Clark and Belafonte standing well away from each other.  But Clark refused.  She destroyed all the other takes of the song, and delivered the finished program to NBC with the touching segment as part of the show.  Clark, who had ownership of the special, told NBC that the performance would be shown intact or she would not allow the special to be aired at all.   This was the nuclear option - would the mighty NBC defer to an equally mighty US industrial corporation or to a English Middle of the Road popster ?

And Pet won.  This stand-off for racial justice - from someone who neither before or since had shown any interests in politics- worked to the extent that at Chrysler, a few weeks after the incident, Doyle Lott was relieved of his responsibilities.
 
Then, finally there is Music Hall songstress Maire Lloyd. Marie Lloyd is best remembered today as the doyenne of music hall entertainers. Her command of double-entendre and ability to give a risqué sexual charge to the most innocent of lyrics made her a huge star, not just in her native London, but around the UK and beyond.

But the woman who brought the house down with the likes of “I sits among the cabbages and peas...” never abandoned her working class East End roots, and when music hall performers in the capital went on strike in 1907, Marie Lloyd, star of the Edwardian stage, was there at their side.

Until the turn of the century, most music hall entertainers had enjoyed relatively flexible working arrangements with music hall owners. By the Edwardian era, however, terms and conditions were increasingly formal, preventing entertainers from working at other local theatres, for example.

The 1907 dispute began when in addition to the single matinée (afternoon) performance included in most performers’ contracts, music hall owners began to demand additional shows – adding up to four matinées a week to the workload for no extra money in some cases.

The Variety Artistes Federation, established the previous year and with a membership of nearly 4,000 performers, was having none of it. On 22 January, performers, musicians and stagehands at the Holborn Empire walked out on strike.

The dispute would spread to 22 London variety theatres, and saw 2,000 of the Variety Artistes Federation’s membership on picket lines at one time or another.  The dispute was backed by a number of leading performers, including Arthur Roberts, Gus Elen and Marie Lloyd – as well as by the 'political stars' of the Edwardian labour movement, among them Ben Tillett and Keir Hardie

Lloyd explained her support:


"We (the top of the act performers) can dictate our own terms. So we are fighting not for ourselves, but for the poorer members of the profession, earning thirty shillings to £3 a week. For this they have to do double turns, and now matinées have been added as well. These poor things have been compelled to submit to unfair terms of employment, and I mean to back up the federation in whatever steps are taken."

For two weeks, the union ran a masterly publicity campaign, distributing leaflets declaring a “music hall war” and hiring the Scala Theatre to put on a fund-raising show.  When the music hall owners responded by engaging lesser known acts and bringing others out of retirement, the union picketed theatres. On one occasion, Lloyd recognised one of those trying to enter and shouted, "Let her through girls, she'll close the music-hall faster than we can."

In due course, the dispute was referred to arbitration – the suggestion apparently coming from the author Somerset Maugham – and Sir George Askwith, conciliation officer at the Board of Trade, was appointed to try to find a resolution.    After 23 formal meetings and numerous less formal ones, the resulting settlement produced a national code, a model contract and a procedure for settling disputes. In effect, the performers won more money, plus a guaranteed minimum wage and maximum working week for musicians.

Although the strike ended in victory for the performers, the music hall owners exacted a sour little revenge on Marie Lloyd. Five years later, when the first music hall royal command performance for the music hall was held, vengeful managers excluded the greatest star of the music halls from their line-up.
So, as the regional heats for the X Factor gear up, the Jubilee concerts resonate with obsequies for royalty and deference, remember those like George and Beryl Formby, Pet Clarke and Marie Lloyd who stood up for their working class roots, and for elementary human values.  

(with thanks to Hayes People's History for the Marie Lloyd piece)

Walshy



A Right Little Charlie

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This is a rare review of a book which, although now rather long in the tooth (published in 2003) changed my long held - but perhaps less well-informed - views.  I refer to "Making friends with Hitler - a life of Lord Londonderry" by Ian Kershaw.   It was published by Penguin as a paperback, and can still be obtained via Amazon or by order at a local library.

The Londonderry dynasty was widely and rightly hated in our area of the UK for the family's role as North Eastern coalowners, running a network of pits based around Seaham and Sunderland, and with everything which went with the role, including in the mid Victorian years, forcible eviction of striking pitmen's families from the company houses the Londonderry Collieries rented out, and the family's determination to preserve 'the bond' - the semi-feudal ties between the miner and the mine owners.

The Londonderry family, as the name implies, started out as overlords for the 17th century Ulster plantation and the implanted Presbyterian families who were let loose on land in Ulster seized from the former Irish locals. But the family married well and wisely into emerging 18th century wealth and it was a coupling between the Londonderry's and the (equally hated) Vane Tempest family of land and coal owners in County Durham which cemented the newly united dynasty in the North East, and led to them becoming the squires at the majestic Palladian pile of Wynyard Hall - a building now turned into exclusive apartments at the heart of a new 'aspirational' housing estate for for Premier League stars and for Teesside's rich list.

Local dislike was intensified in the 1930's when the particular Lord Londonderry we are concerned with (Charlie to his friends in the languid drawing rooms of the stately homes of England) became a seeming fan of Hitler and of the Nazi regime, and this dislike lingered on long after Charlie's death in 1947.
Lord of all he surveyed?


And Ian Kershaw shows just exactly how Charles Stewart Henry Vane-Tempest-Stewart, the 7th Marquess of Londonderry - like many of our ruling class - became besotted by the Nazis. 

Londonderry, as befitted a man of aristocratic breeding and of his mindset as a Durham mine owner, was deeply suspicious of all and any left-wing politics. He believed Britain should befriend Hitler's Germany to stop communism creeping out of Russia and infecting Europe. To this end, Londonderry visited Germany in December 1935 and February 1936. He went stag-hunting with Hermann Goering (Goering bagged a bison but Londonderry missed everything he aimed at) and stayed for a week at Goering's luxurious mountain retreat before going on to the Winter Olympics. During his stay, he had a two-hour audience with Hitler, whom he found "forthcoming and agreeable". Indeed, in a speech in Durham in March 1936, Londonderry described the Fuhrer as, oddly, "a kindly man with a receding chin and an impressive face".


And what he surveyed - Wynyard Hall

In return for the hospitality, Londonderry invited German Ambassador Joachim Von Ribbentrop to a later house party at Wynyard Hall.  I vividly recall talking to the son of a tenant of Londonderry's Wynyard Estate who - along with his family - was instructed to line the road from the now closed Thorpe Thewles Station to greet the Ribbentrop and his entourage with the waving of pre-distributed paper Swastika flags. 

Worse was to come.  "The high spot of the weekend," says Ian Kershaw in the book, "was the grand ceremony of the Mayoral Service at Durham Cathedral." Crowds thronged the streets hoping to catch a glimpse of Ribbentrop on their way to see Londonderry installed as Durham's new mayor. The Northern Echo then said what happened. "The Cathedral Organist launched into the hymn "Praise the Lord: ye heavens, adore Him". Alas, this has the same tune as the Deutschland Lied, and hearing this Ribbentrop jumped up from his pew to give the Nazi salute, only for Lord Londonderry to tug his hand down'.  It was a scene that could have come out of the closing part of Dr Strangelove.
 
Even this debacle was not to put Charlie off from touting German government aims as ones that the UK could accede to, almost up to the start of the war in 1939.

So he was a simple bigoted English toff who adored the Nazi regime ? Well, actually, it seems, not quite. And this is where Kershaw, in a carefully annotated book studded with copious references pays us all a service in an act of researched and impeccable revisionism.

For it seems the real reason for his stance was not just anti-Communism. It was as much born of pique at the way successive British statesmen has refused to take him seriously as someone destined for high office. His high point as a Tory Peer was as Air Minister for four fleeting years in the early 1930's and then for a few months as Tory Leader of the Lords before being totally dumped by Stanley Baldwin in 1935. He felt with some (and genuine) feeling that he had been used as a convenient scapegoat for the National Government, and put this down to class envy on the part of the emerging army of the 'new rich' who had begun to populate the Cabinet Room.

His ostensible fall from grace was due to the fact that as Air Minister, he had vocally and publicly argued for an early re-armament policy based on fast, modern aircraft and defended the offensive use of the RAF as a bombing wing, at a time when most of the left, including the bulk of the Labour opposition who, then led by life long pacifist George Lansbury were in full all-out peacenik mode, and when (in an echo of today's world) governing politicians of the right wing National Government coalition  were totally intent on a cuts programme pure and simple, rather than on any long term policy needs. Hence his fall between two opposing camps and a wide public denunciation across the political spectrum for what he was calling for.

In his aristocratic heart and genes he felt the new generation of self-made men in the cabinet had made an error in dismissing his talents, and were also on the verge of making another huge mistake in confronting Hitler's Germany whose grievances over the harshness of Versailles Treaty, were, he felt, justified. In this, ancestral voices played a part, with Charlie echoing his distant forebear Viscount Castlereagh, who, at the Congress of Vienna, argued that he wished to bring back the world to "peaceful habits" after the Napoleonic Wars.  As to the people he believed had done him down, all he could say in his diary was that "I now see why I failed to understand the very second class people I had to deal with and how glad they must have been to get me out of the way".

Charlie was an oaf and a snob, and certainly didn't deserve better, but it was a supreme irony that it was in his three years at the Air Ministry that he both sanctioned and signed off the development of the first all-metal monoplane fighter aircraft - the Hurricane and the Spitfire. 



Chosen by Charlie ?

Yet probably few were aware as they saw the con-trails weaving over Kent and Sussex in the autumn of 1940 that the instruments of the RAF's victory were partly fashioned by someone who felt for Hitler's supposed kinder side.

If the worse had happened, would Charlie have been among the British collaborationist elite ?  For what it is worth, I think not.  But he would have adapted to life in a Germanised Britain and would have still tried to hope that there was a benevolent side to Nazism which he alone could identify and hopefully draw out.

And - never forget - it was people from his class who called people like striking miners, many of them from families whose forbears had been amongst the Londonderry family's bonded hirelings, 'the enemy within'..................

And his Wynyard pal Ribbentrop ?   He was the first arrival on the scaffold to be hanged in the grey dawn of a Nuremberg prison courtyard in the October of 1946.
 

George at Greystone

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Not sure if anyone has noticed, but January 21st just gone has been designated "George Orwell Day"   The Orwell Estate, Penguin Books and the Orwell Prize have used this date of death in 1950 as the curtain raiser to a month long season of programmes on BBC Radio 4, and a mass give - away of one of his most famous essays 'Politics and the English Language'.  This may be a useful hook to hang a piece on George's period of time living at a country villa just a wee bit North of Stockton-on-Tees.   The PRT blog therefore carries below a column written by the Northern Echo's Deputy Editor, Chris Lloyd, from 2003 - the 100th anniversary of Orwell's birth.   The footnotes and pics however, are from the PRT.    Grateful thanks go to Chris for permission to re-cycle his column.

David Walsh


Is this where Orwell created Big Brother ?


"George Orwell was born 100 years ago this week, but it's much more recently, and purely by chance, that his link with a house overlooking the Durham hills was discovered, a house where the beginnings of his famous novel 1984 may first have been formulated. Chris Lloyd reports.

From his chair in the bay window, George Orwell looked out over the gently rolling hills of Durham. On the skyline to the north, he could make out the four pinnacles of Sedgefield church tower like an upturned table in the distance; to the west, he could see the slender spire of Great Stainton church, rising gracefully through a gap in the trees. 

On his mind as he sat in that sunny spot outside Stockton was the recent death of his wife on an operating table in Newcastle, the loss of his flat in London, which had just been destroyed by a German bomb, and the increasing problems with his own health - the tuberculosis that would kill him within five years was already apparent.

And in his mind as he stared out over a thorn hedge to the fields of Durham was the plotline that would link Winston Smith with Big Brother, thoughtcrime, doublethink and Room 101 in his seminal book, 1984.

Wednesday is the 100th anniversary of the birth of Orwell, the author who wrote two of the most important novels of the 20th Century, Animal Farm and 1984. The anniversary is being commemorated by the publication of two biographies about Orwell (the fourth series of Big Brother being constantly on the telescreen is probably coincidental), but neither book contains much about the 18 months that the writer Eric Blair spent overlooking the constituency that now returns Tony Blair (i)

Blair - that's Eric, who adopted the pen name George Orwell in 1932 - stayed at Greystone, a Victorian villa outside the village of Carlton, which is itself outside the town of Stockton. 

In 1965, Town Planner and Architect Frank Medhurst bought the villa. He had read Orwell in his university days in Bristol, and had just arrived in the district to carry out the Teesside Survey and Plan - the government's attempt to find a future for the area as the old industry declined. In 1967, the plan completed, Frank was sacked. This was the era of T Dan Smith, and whereas Frank wanted to talk about the problems of "pollution", the authorities only wanted to refer obliquely to "atmospheric conditions". (ii)

In 1968, Penguin published three volumes of Orwell's collected essays, articles and letters. "I was sitting here with the view out of the window reading volume three when I saw this address, Greystone, Stockton-on-Tees," says Frank. "I knew nothing about it. In fact, what amazed me was that no one knew anything about it."   He discovered that in 1935, Orwell celebrated the publication of his novel The Clergyman's Daughter by having a friend organise a party in Oxford. One of the guests was Eileen O'Shaughnessy, who was born in South Shields, educated at Sunderland High School (where, incidentally, she wrote a poem about the school's 100th anniversary which was entitled End of the Century 1984, which may have inspired Orwell) and went to Oxford University. Within a year of the party, Orwell and Eileen were married.

By early 1937, they were in Spain where Orwell was fighting for a Marxist militia in the Civil War. A tall man at 6ft 6in, hunched trench warfare wasn't his strength and one morning, as he stood up, a sniper shot him in the throat. He was taken back to Barcelona where Eileen was waiting to nurse him. When the fascists closed in on the Catalan capital, Eileen and Orwell fled for their lives to France and then on to London. (iii)


Orwell and Eileen with the Lenin Battalion in Huesca, Spain

In 1939, Orwell wanted to fight against Hitler, another fascist, but was declared physically unfit because of his throat problems and the onset of TB. Instead, he joined the Home Guard and the BBC. He wrote and published Animal Farm and, in 1943, mentioned to a friend that he had a germ of an idea for a novel to be called The Last Man. (iv) 

Eileen and Orwell also adopted a son, Richard, which made life very difficult when their flat was bombed in a German air raid. Fortunately, early in 1944, Eileen's sister-in-law, Gwen, invited them to stay at Greystone.   Gwen was a Hunton - a family of Sedgefield doctors and Stockton solicitors whose home was Greystone. (v)) Her husband, Lawrence, a world-renowned chest surgeon, was Eileen's brother, but he had been killed at Dunkirk in 1940.  Eileen was obviously close to the Huntons. She had introduced Gwen's sister, Doreen, to Orwell's Marxist commander in the Spanish Civil War, a Russian revolutionary called Georges Kopp, and they had married.(vi)

So Greystone, where they were attended to by the housekeeper Gladys Blackburn whose husband was their chauffeur, became a happy refuge from the troubles of war for the Orwells. Before she died, Mrs Blackburn told Frank Medhurst that she knew the guests only as "Mr and Mrs Blair". "She said that he would sit in the corner staring out of the window over the fields for hours on end," says Frank. "He wouldn't go down the pub or for walks in the country with the others. He just sat there, sometimes making notes." 

Could it be that those thoughts and those notes were the beginnings of The Last Man which, when it was published four years later, appeared under the title of 1984? Orwell didn't stay long at Greystone. In early 1945, he was dispatched by the Observer newspaper to cover the liberation of France. His health quickly deteriorated and he wound up in hospital in Cologne suffering a severe lung infection.

Understandably, then, Eileen's letter of late March 1945, typed "on a warm spring day in the garden at Greystone while Richard sits up in his pram" is cheerfully gossipy. Only in passing does she mention that she would soon be going to Newcastle Infirmary for an operation - probably a hysterectomy.
She travelled up soon after going to the postbox, and on March 29 composed what would be her final letter from her hospital bed.

"Dearest," she began. "I am just going to have the operation, already enema'd, injected (with morphia in the right arm, which is a nuisance), cleaned and packed up like a precious image in cotton wool and bandages. When it's over I'll add a note to this and it can get off quickly.   "This is a nice room - quite low so one can see the garden. Not much in it except daffodils and some crocus but a nice lawn. My bed isn't next to the window but it faces the right way. I also see the fire, the clock..."

Here Eileen either drifted off as the morphia took effect, or the nurses came to wheel her away. Either way, she never completed her letter as she died on the operating table - there was an error with the anaesthetic. She was 40.   

The Observer cabled Orwell with the terrible news. He drugged himself up, discharged himself from hospital and sped from Cologne to London and on to Greystone. There, as he opened the front door, on the hall table was the unfinished letter from Eileen.

How the worries of the world must have crowded in on him as he sat for a few dreadful days at Greystone. There was Eileen's funeral to arrange (she was buried in Jesmond, Newcastle); there was Richard's future to sort out (he was adopted by Doreen, the doctor's daughter from Sedgefield, and Kopp, the Russian revolutionary).(vii) There was his own health to worry about - he was coughing and spitting blood - and there were ideas and notes for his new book nagging away at the back of his mind.
After the funeral, Orwell packed up at Greystone and severed his ten-year association with the North-East - an association that had brought him love, happiness, security and ideas, but which had ultimately ended in tragedy. 


Georges Kopp, Doreen Hunton and Richard Blair

He spent nine months in London before retreating to an isolated farmhouse on the remote Scottish island of Jura. Pounding away on a typewriter and coughing terribly as his lung illness worsened, Orwell wrote the novel he was still calling The Last Man. By early 1947, he had completed it and returned from his exile to find a publisher. The publisher suggested that the last two digits of the year in which the book was due to appear, 1948, should be reversed to give the title a futuristic feel.

Orwell's health was deteriorating and he died in January 1950 in London, aged 47.

Frank Medhurst finishes telling the story of George Orwell and Greystone in the room where the writer spent those missing months staring out over the thorn hedge towards Sedgefield and Great Stainton.
Frank says: "When I told the curator of Middlesbrough museum the story, he said I had to do something about it, but I couldn't interest anyone official in it, so I had the blue plaque made up myself."  The plaque records the bare facts - "George Orwell, novelist, essayist, critic, lived here, 1944-1945" - but can't tell what great literary thoughts might have occured here at the same time."

Notes

(i)   It  may be whimsy, but I wonder if the 'other' Blair, the late MP for Sedgefield, also knew about the fact that his namesake lived within a mile of his constituency centre ?   For what it it is worth, I think not, given his seeming uninterest in most matters historical (something I have personally witnessed.)

(ii)  Frank is happily still with us, and a year or so back published his book on these events, in which he meshed his views of what makes good community planning with what happened to him.  Still available from bookshops or libraries.   Ask for "A Quiet Catastrophe - the Teesside Job", published by Citizens Papers at £7.99

(iii) Such is the small world of the left, that I knew (when I was living in London in the 1960's) two men who had served in the ILP contingent of the POUM Lenin Battalion with Orwell (or Comrade Blair as he was known).  Interestingly both, Ulsterman Patrick (Hughie) O'Hara (and who as a stretcher bearer / first aider helped Blair back to safety after he was wounded) and power station fitter, Phil Hunter, did not care much for Orwell (although neither doubted his courage)

(iv)  The actual projected, and rather cumbersome, title was to be 'The Last Man in Europe". Thankfully, Orwell's publishers persuaded him to change it to the more catchy 1984.

(v)   The firm traded from Stockton High Street as Hunton and Bolsover.  They were an old established practice that dated back to the 1790's. Their lineal ancestors, Bolsover, Manning and Scott, still practice in the town.   Additionally there is a law firm in nearby Richmond called Hunton and Garget, which seems to be more than a co-incidence given the nearness to Darlington.

(vi)  Kopp was an interesting character who could have come out of the cast of Casablanca. (and via Stockton)  Born in Russia to a revolutionary family, he was raised as an exile in Belgium where he served in the army. Imprisoned in Spain after fighting with the POUM militia, he was later released and made his way to England where he lodged with relatives of Eileen Blair.  At the outbreak of WW2 he made his way to France where he joined the French Foreign Legion to fight Facism all over again. Again on the losing side, he made a circuitous escape back to Britain where he was recruited by the SIS to go back to France to act as a allied spy in Marseilles.  Ironically, given his anti-Stalinist politics, his SIS 'handler' was Anthony Blunt.  After the war, he returned to Britain to marry another member of the Stockton based Hunton family, Doreen.  He died in 1951.

(vii)  Richard Blair is still alive, and now in his late 60's.   He grew up in a conventional fashion, and later became a technical author for a firm making farm machinery.  He kept his own counsel on his Orwell connection for many years, but has now made this aspect of his early life far more public, recently appearing with writer of the latest Orwell biography, D J Taylor, at book festivals.

2015 - Can We Recapture Deja Vu All Over Again?

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David Walsh
 
One thing that no-one seems to have said yet is that - if the coalition holds - Labour will be going into the polls in 2015. That means that it will be going for power exactly 70 years since the 1945 spring.


To remember the values that paved the way to the 1945 victory, and to spell out why we so desperately again need a socialist Government, Ken Loach has directed a new film for general distribution.  "The Spirit of 45" is being premiered at the Berlin Film Festival and will on general distribution next month.  Can comrades lobby cinemas to see that it is shown on Teesside ?
 
 

Invitation - International Exhibition in Hartlepool

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International Brigade "AntiFascistas" Exhibition – Hartlepool College of Further Education – Monday 25th February 2013 to Friday 8th March 2013.




Hartlepool Trades Union Council in partnership with Hartlepool College of Further Education are hosting, the International Brigade "AntiFascistas" Exhibition for two weeks at Hartlepool College of Further Education.

This exhibition will be open to the public starting on Monday 25th February 2013 until Friday 8th March 2013. (Mon to Fri - 9.30am to 4.30pm daily)

The Exhibition concentrates on the British and Irish volunteers who joined the Legendary ‘International Brigades’ in the Spanish Civil War, as well as the men and women who served in the Republics medical services or who took part in the fight against fascism in other ways.

The exhibition is being shown at the area adjacent to the ‘Tree of Remembrance’ erected in the College in 2011. Please report to reception for directions to the Exhibition.


International Brigade Plaque

Contact Hartlepool College of Further Education on 01429 295111 if you require further information

North and South Twelve Bar Blues

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By David Walsh
 
The dissing of Teesside by a London based media is well known - even on the  very rare occasions when they can spell Teesside correctly. This is then fed on by stand-up comedians catering to modish and politically correct audiences  and bashing the North in general and then adapted - in a far more brutal fashion - by terrace taunts from visiting fans from the London Clubs (and nearer home, from Leeds fans)

Despite the 'correct' high moral tone of much of the rock media and the music industry - a high moral plane at such an altitude that it is a wonder they don't get a collective nose bleed - they are not above the same tactics of demeaning Teesside and Teesside bands.

But - crucially - local bands are biting back - and combining local pride and elan with management and promotion strategies that are cutting out the parasitic strata of wealthy middlemen and cosy deals with recording labels and instead replacing this with co-operative ways of developing their work.

But to start with an experience of the negative.

On a trip to US industry convention South by South West (SXSW) in 2010, NME favourites the Chapman Family found themselves touted as a London band - by their own (then) management. It was a move that didn't go down too well with the staunchly proud Teessiders.

In a pice on the KYEO-TV Blog, Kingsley Chapman, who speaks for the band, described the incident 


"When we played SXSW in 2010 I was jet laggedly leafing through the catalogue of all the bands that were playing and when I finally found us I noticed that we were listed as “The Chapman Family, London, UK.” Our then management was sat with me and I absolutely booted off at them. “Why the fuck does it say we’re from fucking London? Do you not listen to a word I fucking say in interviews? Do I sound like I’m from that fucking shithole?”

Naturally I overemphasised my Northernness during this tirade (as I have a tendency to do in all difficult or intimidating situations in the south of England) and the response I got was that “well guv, no facker knows where fackin Teesside is brah, so it’d be pointless putting it out there in the brochure apples n' pears Mary Poppins”. They were cockneys you see."

IMG_5308



The Chapman Family at the Birmingham Rainbow 23rd February this year


The Guardian's 'Northerner' section (only accessible on the paper's website) then ran an article which discussed this attitude further.  It is re-printed below.



"There is a similarity between - say - Hull and Teesside in that they are both industrial ports, both largely forgotten areas, and both economically disadvantaged, which attracts negative publicity from some sections of the Southern press," says the band's frontman, Kingsley Chapman.

But according to Chapman, however, there are advantages in bands being based 200 miles outside the capital. "What I find boring about a lot of London scenes and bands from the capital is it all becomes very generic and fashionable," he says. "Suddenly a thousand Londoners latch on to it and make into a big thing and it gets into the NME, and it instantly becomes dull, whereas in the north we're not that accessible; you have to seek out the bands and know what you're looking for."

It is easy to be dismissive of Teesside – and some tend to be sniffy about an area that was the original stomping ground for soft rock troubadours Chris Rea, Paul Rodgers and David Coverdale – yet that is far from the whole story. 


 


A journey from Middlesbrough's back streets to Tory backer......

Despite its relatively small population and proximity to Sunderland and Newcastle, Teesside still manages to punch above its weight in the contemporary music industry, recently producing artists such as Maximo Park frontman Paul Smith and acts including the Chapman Family, Serinette, Cherry Head, Cherry Heart, Cattle & Cane and Young Rebel Set, all of whom are making thrilling music

But Teesside has also suffered more than most as a result of the government's austerity programme. Unemployment now tops 11.5% while the cuts resulted in the withdrawal of the council-sponsored Intro Festival in Middlesbrough in 2012 due to budgetary restraints.

Previously known as Middlesbrough Music Live, Intro cost Middlesbrough council £195,000 but, with the council's budget being slashed by about £14m for 2012-13, it decided not to run the event last year. In the past, the festival has attracted crowds of up to 60,000 and has seen early performances from Kaiser Chiefs, Razorlight and the Zutons since it started in 2000, as well as giving a platform for emerging local acts.

Tees Music Alliance (TMA) is a not-for-profit organisation that runs the Georgian Theatre in Stockton-on-Tees and also promotes the Stockton Weekender Festival and the multi-venue festival Stockton Calling, which is to be expanded this year. TMA also advises emerging Teesside bands. 

TMA director Paul Burns is optimistic, but pragmatic, about divisions between north and south in the music industry.


"There have certainly been anecdotal instances of local bands being told to say they are from Newcastle or even London, on the grounds that no-one will have heard of Teesside," says Burns. "Disguising provincial roots isn't new but if they were asked to pretend to be from another part of the UK by an industry professional, for example a management company, we would question the reasoning behind such advice and advise artists to be wary."

Paul Burns


Paul Burns  

Burns also believes the changing nature of the music industry in the digital era, the increasing importance of live music – not to mention the rapid advancement of the internet and social media – are all irrevocably altering the business relationship between artist and industry.
 
"The laws of probability would say that to make that initial contact with an agent, label or manager an act may need to engage with the industry in London," he says. "But, once a relationship is built, it can be conducted from the other end of the country quite well."

There is, also, something to be said for emerging acts taking the time to develop away from the prying eyes of London-based agents and managers on the hunt for the next big thing. According to Sarah Howe, manager of Doctor Brown's pub in Middlesbrough, the recent explosion of local bands on Teesside is helping foster a growing confidence in the town.

Dr Browns Pub formerly the Borough Hotel

Dr Brown's once in a blue sky day

"There are definitely a lot more local bands coming through," she says. "It seems every other day there are bands in here with gear on their back looking for somewhere to play."

And doing for themselves and their community....................


Maureen Taylor R.I.P

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Maureen Taylor A few short weeks ago, a person who helped shape much of what is today's Teesside passed peacefully away on the very eve of her 91st Birthday.

Teesside, founded on iron and steel and later one of Europe's great chemical centres, was (and still is) a classic proletarian society. Into that society in 1922, in the shipbuilding township of Haverton Hill, was born a daughter to hard working Irish and socialist parents, Maureen Taylor.  Her father was a dustman and her mother a nurse.  She was educated at Newlands FCJ School in Middlesbrough and worked as a young woman as a clerk at the ICI Billingham plant.


Maureen’s life, rooted in this working class environment, and growing up at a time when people who had been swept aside during the hungry 1930's had at  last found a niche in the sun as peacetime full employment blossomed, gave her an explicit understanding of the importance of economic development and the mission never to see mass unemployment again.

But crucially her brand of socialism was not one which used 'control from above' as its metier. Instead, based on both her deep Catholicism and the overarching principle that it was morally wrong to reduce people to the status of objects to be led, manipulated, directed or slotted into subordination, she argued for the need for community and democratic control of local enterprises.

Understanding the need for community and democratic control of local enterprises, she put her ideas into action, firstly with Billingham Urban District Council in 1947, Teesside County Borough in the late 1960's and finally as a leading member of the now much missed Labour administration which ran the later Cleveland County Council in the 1980's, up to its abolition in the late 1990's.

As part of promotion and development of an alternative economic strategy, Maureen championed the development of the Cleveland Co-operative Development Agency in the late 70’s and through the 80’s, which she chaired. Cleveland’s co-operative economy flourished and diversified from small-scale manufacturing, to housing; a local coach hire company; the Tees River Pilots; catering and local arts projects. Indeed by the mid 1980’s there were between 30-40 registered co-ops in Cleveland, encouraged and supported by a revolving loan fund and a small but enthusiastic team of Co-operative Development workers.

Maureen was also a pioneer environmentalist. Brought up in a township dominated by the chimneys of ICI, where the birds were said to cough rather than chirp and where acid rainfall was so strong that clothes on washing lines routinely rotted if left outside too long, she railed against attempts to try and reverse economic decline through schemes to bury radio-active wastes in local closed mine shafts or to allow the Teesside chemical industry to dodge their re-cycling obligations by instead investing in 'end of pipe' incineration schemes.

Maureen also had a massive commitment to educational opportunity and was a college governor for decades. She was governor of Stockton Riverside College until 2011 when she became Life Patron of the College. She had a long and distinguished history as a governor and committee chair, helping to oversee the relocation of the College and its establishment as Stockton Riverside College, and merger with Bede Sixth Form College, Billingham. She was the only chair of Bede from its foundation in 1972 to its incorporation as an independent college in the further education sector in 1992. She also served for many years as a governor of Cleveland College of Art and Design, Teesside Polytechnic, and as a school governor.

Maureens's Irish heritage was important to her. She was a skilled Irish dancer in her youth and this led to her passionate belief in the benefits of international understanding through the arts and dance. In 1965 she became a founder member of the Billingham International Folklore Festival now
acclaimed worldwide as one of the top festivals of its kind, bringing, over the years, more than 15,000 performers from over 90 countries to the somewhat unlikely surroundings of Teesside. Her belief in the civilising power of the arts in the community became manifest through he long standing directorship of Tees Valley Arts.

She was feisty and fiery. She did not tolerate slackness or sloppy thinking amongst her fellow Councillors and she was merciless with those she considered to be less than up to the task of representing communities effectively. She also brindled against the 'beery braggadocio' that characterised much of Teesside's conventional male Labour politics. But she was also a tutor, and many of the younger Councillors from the Teesside 'new left' who ran Teesside's administration alongside (and, aguably, equally as well and as courageously ) as the more well-known rebel authorities at the GLC and Sheffield, learnt more or less all they knew from Maureen. 

Maureen lost her husband, Jack, who she married in 1953, two years ago.   She leaves three sons, Bernard, Niall and Sean and one granddaughter  Catherine who, aged 17 and, in beautiful tribute, is tripping in her grandmother's footsteps by taking part in the World Irish Dancing Championships in Boston, Massachusetts this very month.

Barry Coppinger, Liz Keenan, David Walsh and Mark White.

Also posted at South Middlesbrough Labour Party.

MY DADDY WAS A BLACK MARKETEER - CRIME, SOCIAL DISSENT OR REVOLT ?

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By David Walsh

The other day the Guardian gave a lot of space to a pic of mourners at the funeral of great train robber Bruce Reynolds.  Looking at it I can see why.  It was an arresting (sorry) image of aging vintage diamond geezers and geezerettes, dressed to the nines and exuding theatrical menace.   It was a wee bit nostalgic - rather like a frozen memory of heavy half-crowns, nicotine stained fingers and the Light Programme.

Bruce Reynolds funeral: Great train robber Ronnie Biggs and mourners at the funeral


My daddy was a bank robber
But he never hurt anybody
He just loved to live that way
And he loved to steal your money

It then led me to musing on how we all seem to enjoy the spectacle of a well designed heist that gets up the nose of 'respectable' society, and (despite the fact that it had gaping holes in its execution) the great train robbery, 50 years on, still exercises a vice-like hold on popular imagination.  And from there, I fell to thinking about the way crime, 'anti-social behaviour' and deviancy has (despite how much we might deny it) a metaphorical linkage to the left.
 
Now this may be a somewhat overlong and possibly rambling essay, but one that tries to keep afloat an argument that dissent (and indeed crime) is a product of a particular form of society and social control, and that even over a time gap of hundreds of years, the same still applies - and that there can even be forms of social deviancy that can be needed - and indeed should have been supported - to oppose repressive social orders.  Whether the reader may agree is, of course, down to the reader, and good counter arguments will be appreciated.
 
After all, where did such popular resistance to the rule of our 'social betters' originate ? 
 
Look at the Robin Hood legend, and then look at how poaching was a key feature of both social defiance of our past rural overlords and how this aspect of village morphed into the the full throated uprising of rural labourers in the 'Swing Riots' of the 1830's, where ricks and barns blazed in every corner of the Kingdom.
 
That same ancestral insurrectionist spark also fired a blaze in the new larger proto-industrial settlements of the East Midlands and the West Yorkshire woollen belt when Luddism ( a movement now celebrating its 200th anniversary as I write) saw an explosion of machine wrecking, intimidation of members of the new factory owning class, and violence -all staged in a landscape of hunger and the loss of the rights of the 'free born Englishman'  to a new social discipline of wage slavery, imprisonment within the walls of barrack like mills and an enforced observance of someone else's working time clockface.   
 
The Luddites (as well as the Northumberland miners who demolished pit heads from Bedlington to Wylam, or the bread rioters who burnt down flour mills and warehouses in Stockton-on-Tees) were acting illegally and they knew it. They faced not just the force of the army (there was, at one point in 1812, more soldiers on active service in West Yorkshire than in the peninsular campaign) but the active enmity of one of the  UK's most reactionary parliaments and the savagery of the law and the ever present reality of the gallows or (if the convicted Luddites were lucky) deportation. 


Free Born Englishmen ?

 
Were they class warriors ?   It is difficult to answer that.  After all, they were living in a time when the contours of class were different to those of which we have become more used to. The people they took on - the new mill owners and their like - all too often came from the same community and the same background as the Luddites.  What the Luddites were, certainly, were people who saw themselves defending their families and their own comrades against the evils that came with the new technological modernity.  And what side would you, in the same circumstances, be on ?  The answer, I feel, is obvious.
 
Luddism, and the later manifestations of insurrection in the 'plug riots', physical force Chartism and 1870's 'red republicanism', were, we can now see, the last throw of ordinary people seeing themselves dispossessed by the cementing of a capitalist economy through a willing wedding of industrial capitalism with the older remnants of a landed society, a wedding that established a hegemony within which the only realistic new route map for the working class was co-option allied to bargaining for workplace and community reform and improvement.
 
But despite the rise of the top hatted Trade Unionist in the later Victorian period, the same spirit of rebellion still flourished - but not any longer in a collective way.  This was a feature of urban life in London and and the new manufacturing cities where, below the ranks of solid employed artisans, was a huge reserve army of the unemployed or the under employed.   In the courtyards and rookeries, crime was often the major source of income and gain - as any scrutiny of court rolls of the time will show.
 
This side of life continued up to and after the First World War.  And after that carnage, four years where life was seen to be cheap and where the upper classes were seen to be prepared to tolerate barbarism to defend any risk to their privileges  little wonder that many were prepared to take on society head on.  In a Britain of mass unemployment with little or nothing in the way of social welfare, the determination of some to resist hunger and poverty through crime was marked.  
 
Take one example.  A certain Arthur Thomas Richards was arrested by the police at 2.15 a.m. on November 29th 1921 at East Mitcham in Surrey wearing a pair of thick socks over his boots, and equipped with a hammer, screw-driver and wire cutter. Appearing in court at the Surrey Sessions the defendant, aged 37, refused to recognise the authority of the court saying,: “ I plead nothing to this court. I don’t recognise its authority. I am an Anarchist-Communist”. He refused to take the oath , commenting: “ I don’t think almighty God has anything to do with this court” and objected to the jury saying that he did not know any of them. Explaining his actions he said:” What else could I do? I am out of work, and don’t intend to starve.”   Sentenced to hard labour for six months Richards responded with “a cheery smile”. Before he was taken down he remarked: “I can easily do that, as I was for five years slave driven on the Brighton Railway”.
 
The same ambiguity and greyness in the interface between criminality and street politics can also be seen in the shape of Jack Spot, one of the most notorious of London's gangsters in immediate pre and post war London.  Born Jacob Colmore into an East End Jewish family, he initially graduated from being a bookies runner to a minor burglar before graduating to bigger things 'up west'.  But he was committed to his roots too.  Popular legend had it that he was a major player in the Battle of Cable Street when the local left and the Jewish community combined to stop Mosley and the British Union of Facists from parading through the local streets. Despite stories of Spot physically felling a Mosleyite leader being little more than urban myth, he did, via his gang, have a role. Again, this role was ambiguous  What is certain is that he operated a very wide spread 'protection racket' centred on local Jewish shopkeepers and small businesses.  But, given that the real threat was violence aimed at these shops and businesses from tooled up Blackshirts, and that many felt there was no protection from a police force seen as being sympathetic to Mosley and his men, locals saw the protection money handed over to Spot and his lieutenants as money well spent. So hero or villain  ?  You again decide.
 
The hungry 20's and 30's still cast a shadow over the world of World War 2.  Yes, that was  a fight against Nazism and the shades of the holocaust, but it was also a war run - on the British side at least - by a Government still dominated by right wing Tories and an army run by the gentry and the sons of the gentry. 
 
Many of the conscripted servicemen came from families which had lost fathers or uncles in the First World War, had known nothing but depression and unemployment since, or were influenced by the anti-war socialist feelings still prevalent in the Labour Party right into the late 1930s. One prevalent attitude was simply that of having to ‘stop Hitler’, get ‘the job done’ and get back home. After all, Britain had ‘won’ the First World War — and a fat lot of good that had done the working man and his family, many felt.
 
Little wonder that there were often mutinies - most demanding speedy demobilisation after the guns fell quiet - but some, like the 'Salerno Mutiny' of 1943 protesting against what were seen as 'broken promises' by the High Command over deployment were in a theatre of action and were capable of being seen as capital offences.
 
There was also a thriving quasi-criminal sub-culture which melded with this insurrectionist mode.  Sociologist, Colin Ward, on trial as a 'conchie' (a conscientious objector) in the last months of the war "found the nicks full to overflowing, not with criminals from the home front but with soldiers sentenced by military courts in France, Italy and Germany for desertion and subsequent offences."
 
He continued "When a soldier deserts in a foreign country in wartime, how is he to survive? He has been trained to use a gun, so he survives by armed robbery, by hold-ups, by black-marketeering, by selling government property and by gun-running. We heard hair-raising stories of the sale of fleets of lorries and masses of material, food, petrol and oil — all of which was in short supply in the countries our boys were ‘liberating’. In the process our boys were liberating themselves — until they were caught by the military police. Then they got enormous sentences, of 10, 15, 25, 30 years’ imprisonment — and shipped back to England to serve them. Returning soldiers’ tales elaborated this story of mass desertions. One ex-8th Army man told us that by the time his unit had travelled from toe to top of Italy, 80 per cent had deserted — and the remainder fell in behind a victory march of Tito’s partisans in Trieste to show where their political sympathies lay."
 
"These men", he said "were being delivered to the main London ‘reception’ prisons in batches of 20 or 30, two or three times a week.  In the event, of course, these men served only small periods of their long sentences. They were distributed to local prisons around the country — presumably to the prisons nearest their home towns — and after a few months, quietly given a ‘special release’ and, of course, a dishonourable discharge. The prisons could not possibly have held them all, but back at their units, the sentences were supposed to have a deterrent effect upon their fellows."
 
In the spirit of those times, these men were vilified. They were seen as parasites and as people who 'were stabbing the nation in the back'.    But how were their counterparts in Germany viewed ?
 
This is an instructive moral.  By the end of the 1930s, thousands of young Germans were finding ways to avoid the clutches of the Hitler Youth. They were gathering together in their own gangs and starting to enjoy themselves again. This terrified the Nazis, particularly when the teenagers started to defend their own social spaces physically. What particularly frightened the Nazis was that these young people were the products of their own education system. They had no contact with the old Socialst or Communist parties, knew nothing of socialism or the old labour movement. They had been educated by the Nazis in Nazi schools, their free time had been regimented by the Hitler Youth listening to Nazi propaganda and taking part in officially approved activities and sports.
 
These gangs went under different names. Their favoured clothes varied from town to town, as did their badges. In Essen they were called the Farhtenstenze (Travelling Dudes), in Oberhausen and Dusseldorf the Kittelbach Pirates, in Cologne they were the Navajos. But all saw themselves as Edelweiss Pirates (named after an edelweiss flower badge many wore).
 
On their trips they would meet up with Pirates from other towns and cities. Some went as far as to travel the length and breadth of Germany doing wartime, when to travel without papers was an illegal action.  Daring to enjoy themselves on their own was a criminal act. They were supposed to be under Party control. Inevitably they came across Hitler Youth  Streifendienst patrols. Instead of running, the Pirates often stood and fought. Reports sent to Gestapo officers suggest that as often as not the Edelweiss Pirates won these fights.“I therefore request that the police ensure that this riff-raff is dealt with once and for all. The HJ (the Hitler Youth) are taking their lives into their hands when they go out on the streets.” said one archived report.
 
The activities of the Edelweiss Pirates grew bolder as the war progressed. They engaged in pranks against the police, fights against their enemies and moved on to small acts of sabotage. They were accused of being slackers at work and social parasites. They began to help Jews, army deserters and prisoners of war. They painted anti-Nazi slogans on walls and some started to collect Allied propaganda leaflets and shove them through people’s letterboxes. 
 
“There is a suspicion that it is these youths who have been inscribing the walls of the pedestrian subway on the Altebbergstrasse with the slogans ‘Down with Hitler’, ‘The OKW (Military High Command) is lying’, ‘Medals for Murder’, ‘Down with Nazi Brutality’ etc. However often these inscriptions are removed within a few days new ones appear on the walls again.” (1943 Dusseldorf-Grafenberg Nazi Party report to the Gestapo).
 
As time went on, a few grew bolder and even more deadly. They raided army camps to obtain arms and explosives, made attacks on Nazi figures other than the Hitler Jugend and took part in partisan activities. The Head of the Cologne Gestapo was one victim of the Edelweiss Pirates.    The authorities reacted with a full armoury of repressive measures. These ranged from individual warnings, round-ups and temporary detention (followed by a head shaving), to weekend imprisonment, reform school, labour camp, youth concentration camp or criminal trial. Thousands were caught up in this hunt. 
 
For many, the end was death. The assassination of the Cologne Gestapo chief led to 24 Edelweiss Pirates being publicly hanged in November 1944.
 
However, as long as the Nazis needed workers in armament factories and soldiers for their war, they could not resort to the physical extermination of thousands of young Germans. Moreover, it is fair to say that the state was confused as to what to do with these rebels. They came from German stock, the sort of people who should have been grateful for what the Nazis gave. Unwilling to execute thousands and unable to comprehend what was happening, the state was equally unable to contain them.
 

The Edelweißpiraten - Anti- Facists or just Anti-Social ?

Contrary to what the Allies might have hoped, the Edelweißpiraten turned out not to be pro-British or even pro-American (despite their musical tastes). In the early days of the Allied Occupation, they sought contact with the Occupying Authority to intervene in the case of arrested friends and even to propose that they might go on patrol, as did one group in the Ruhr town of Wuppertal, They were initially taken seriously and courted by some on the left. The first known pamphlets of the post war KPD  (German Communist Party) in July 1945 were directed directly at these youngsters. 
 
The Edelweißpiraten's  resistance to being assimilated led to them back into the renewed role of petty criminality and being seen as social outcasts. This brought them into conflict with the Allies. The headquarters of the American Counter-Intelligence Corps in Frankfurt reported in May 1946 that Edelweiss activities were known throughout the British and American Zones as active Black Marketeers.  This led to them being caught within the net of Allied Military Law and Military prisons.  And despite the initial high hopes of the East German Communists, the same came to pass.  In 1946, a juvenile living in the Soviet Zone named as Heinz D. was initially sentenced to death, for his "...very active part in carrying out the nefarious schemes of the E. Piraten. An organization such as this might well threaten the peace of Europe." The sentence was commuted the following month to a prison term. In the Soviet Zone, young people simply suspected of being Edelweißpiraten were sentenced to a virtually obligatory 25 years in prison.
 
Even life style became illegal.  The post-war Western authorities wanted to reconstruct Germany into a modern, western, democratic state. To do this, they enforced strict labour laws including compulsory work. The Edelweiss Pirates had a strong anti-work ethos, so they came into conflict with the new authorities too. A report in 1949 spoke of the “widespread phenomenon of unwillingness to work that was becoming a habit of many young people.” The prosecution of so-called ‘young idlers’ was sometimes no less rigid under Allied occupation than it was under the Nazis. A court in 1947 sent one young woman to prison for five months for ‘refusal to work’. The young became enemies of the new order too.
 
This raised problems for the re-born West German left.  After all, many of their leaders like Willy Brandy had been either forced into exile, whilst others less fortunate or less well-connected were murdered or hid their politics. They had to come to terms that the overwhelming majority of physical resistance that existed had been based on young people’s street gangs.  To the politicians of the SPD, the Edelweiss Pirates were just as much riff-raff as they were to the Nazis. The myth of the just war used by the allies relied heavily on the idea that all Germans had been at least silent during the Nazi period if not actively supporting the regime. To maintain this fiction the actions of ‘street hooligans’ in fighting the Nazis had to be forgotten.
 
Again, most would see these young people as anti-Facist heroes ?   But were they ?   And again, you decide...............
 
Even in the hedonism of the affluent society, the old attitudes still lingered.  The other day, the Daily Telegraph covered an intriguing obituary of one Peter Scott, a career cat burglar, and seemingly a cat burglar with a social bent. As the obituary said, "he boasted of only robbing the rich - figures such as Soraya Khashoggi, Shirley MacLaine, the Shah of Iran, Judy Garland and even Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother,  Scott served Fleet Street as handy headline fodder, being variously hailed the “King of the Cat Burglars”, “Burglar to the Stars” or the “Human Fly”. He identified a Robin Hood streak in himself, too, asserting in his memoirs that he had been “sent by God to take back some of the wealth that the outrageously rich had taken from the rest of us”.    “I felt like a missionary seeing his flock for the first time,” he explained when he recalled casing Dropmore House, the country house of the press baron Viscount Kemsley, on a rainy night in 1956 and squinting through the window at the well-heeled guests sitting down to dinner. “I decided these people were my life’s work.”
 
The obit continued "he held none of his victims in great esteem (“upper-class prats chattering in monosyllables”). The roll-call of “marks” from whom he claimed to have stolen valuables included Zsa Zsa Gabor, Lauren Bacall, Elizabeth Taylor, Vivien Leigh, Sophia Loren, Maria Callas and the gambling club and zoo owner John Aspinall, a man of the aristocratic ultra right and a close friend of Lord 'Lucky'  Lucan  “Robbing that bastard Aspinall was one of my favourites,” he recollected.  “The people I burgled got rich by greed and skulduggery. They indulged in the mechanics of ostentation — they deserved me and I deserved them. If I rob Ivana Trump, it is just a meeting of two different kinds of degeneracy on a dark rooftop.”

Peter Scott

Radical Raffles ?   Peter Scott.

Declared bankrupt, owing creditors £440,000, he ended up at his time of death living on benefits of £60 a week in a council flat in Islington.
 
As I argued at the beginning, the relationship between forms of deviance and crime and social protest is there - though marked by successive layers of greyness.  Oddly, given his deeply ingrained orthodox Marxism, the one writer who has looked into this murky area deeply was the late Eric Hobsbawm,   Indeed, it was a theme he returned to often.  In his 'Captain Swing', a book I also often return to, he examines in detail the lives and the moral imperatives of the rural villagers and farm labourers who were foot soldiers of the agrarian rioters of the 1820's and 30's, and in a later volume 'Primitive Outlaws' he coined the terms 'social bandits' to describe both mythical figures like Robin Hood, and real people like Ned Kelly, Jack Shepherd and Dick Turpin, who had both become outlaws and resisted the oppressors of their community
 
Hobsbawm's key thesis was that outlaws  were individuals living on the edges of rural societies by robbing and plundering, who are often seen by ordinary people as heroes or beacons of popular resistance. He called it a form of "pre-historic social movement", by contrast with the later organised labour movement he was a part of.  The colloquial sense of an outlaw as bandit or brigand is the subject of the following passage by Hobsbawm
 
"The point about social bandits is that they are peasant outlaws whom the lord and state regard as criminals, but who remain within peasant society, and are considered by their people as heroes, as champions, avengers, fighters for justice, perhaps even leaders of liberation, and in any case as men to be admired, helped and supported. This relation between the ordinary peasant and the rebel, outlaw and robber is what makes social banditry interesting and significant ... Social banditry of this kind is one of the most universal social phenomena known to history."


Hoods in the 'hood - or Red Eric's 'Social Bandits' ?
 
The reality is perhaps more prosaic and black.   Who could describe the Mexican drug cartels as 'fighters for justice' ?   The answer is no-one.  They, after all, are the documented mass murderers of the men and women from the very communities they may have sprung from. And what of the pattern of street level crime in today's austerity Britain (and a pattern of crime replicated across mainland Europe from the Parisian Banliues to the bleak Stalinist housing blocks of the former East European Soviet satellite states) ?  
 
In almost every example it is crime committed by the dispossessed on the dispossessed.  And all too often, on those too weak or powerless to fight back - like the elderly Oldham lady recently mugged and burgled for the cash she had put by to pay for her high energy bills in the cold weather of March or - last year - the suicide of single mother Fiona Pilkington and her disabled daughter Francessca - after constant harassment and physical attack by feral youth gangs in the decayed post-industrial Leicestershire town of Hinckley - ironically in terms of this article, a former mining and weaving town that was one of the epicentres of East Midlands Luddism.   
 
No-one can defend those responsible.  But we have to look at the soil in which this evil germinated.   Like urban life in the latter part of the nineteenth century, towns like Hinckley are now pits of joblessness, insecurity and ruling class uninterest.   This is as true of East Middlesbrough or East Cleveland as it is of the East Midlands. 
 
The commitment of Minsters (both Labour and Coalition) to protect "the law-abiding majority" through the use of the prison system van be self-defeating. The fact that 67 percent of prisoners re-offend within two years is hardly surprising when during custody more than 30 percent of petty offenders lose their homes and almost 70 percent lose their jobs.
 
So we have a self-perpetuating cycle.  Even a Home Office study (in Labour's day)  admits that "the focus of policy in recent years has been on enforcement and punishment, even though effectiveness is likely to be greatest for preventative interventions". The use of non-custodial community sentences, in which offenders can be tagged or given unpaid community work, is implicit recognition that prison does not work. Yet again, community sentences do little to address the reasons why people commit crime and therefore it is unsurprising to find that 53 percent of people still re-offend when punished in this way.
 
The other method we are all too familiar with on Teesside is "community policing" backed up by the application of 'Zero Tolerance' as an ideology.  This works on the basis that something as trivial broken window on an estate can (like the 'chaos theory' butterfly whose beating wings in the South American rainforest can be the factor that precipitates a Caribbean hurricane) will lead to social anarchy.  On this basis, I could be cynical and argue that the seemingly permanently boarded up windows on North Ormesby Police Station should be urgently repaired.  Never the less, it was an approach championed by many and identified with Ray Mallon, and through a media inspired osmosis, became a badge of commitment for both Michael Howard and Tony Blair
 
Has it worked ?   There's no real evidence.  On anecdotal evidence, most would say 'no'.  Crime levels can change, but most people cynically assume that this is more to do with the way statistics are collected and manipulated - policy based evidence making rather than the more well used opposite formulation.  Certainly, local crime clear up figures in my part of East Cleveland probably zoomed up when a local man 'fessed up to 140 other housebreaking crimes 'to be taken into consideration'.  It may have helped in that the offender admitted his guilt, and allowed the court to deliver a form of justice for them without the risk of trying to bring other court cases with poor CPS evidence.  Whether it helped nearby local people who had their house ransacked in the offenders quest for quick cash for his habit was more debatable.
 
Perhaps we should look more widely at answers.  Our preoccupation with prisons and extra police stands in stark contrast to a number of Scandinavian countries. We can cite Norway for example.  Compared to Britain, Norway has a low level of crime, the prison population is static and it has less than half the police per head of population of the European average. Like Britain, Norway is in general an relatively affluent society, but crucially the level of inequality among its citizens is far smaller than Britain and its spending on welfare far greater by percentage of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This confirms a Crime and Society Foundation finding that "countries that spend a greater proportion of GDP on welfare have lower imprisonment rates". Conversely, the US, which spends the smallest proportion of its wealth on welfare, has the world's highest imprisonment rate - a staggering 2 percent of its male labour force.
 
So if there is a lesson, it is to look back at our history - at the Luddites, the social privateers and the rest, and see how they came about in a society that valued individual wealth creation above social cohesion, and the neglect of security as a vital component in the life of a community. In every case the growth of avaricious forms of political economy led to relative immiseration and widening inequality.   Today, with the wealth gap between the well off minority and the rest of us is so great, that these factors have come back in play so heavily.  We need to tackle crime, but with the human moralism of a more more cohesive and collective society rather than the reactionary moralism of a Daily Mail editorial.
 
The general answers for me are so obvious that they don't really have to be spelt out.  So do they have to be spelt out to Liam Byrne, Yvette Cooper and Ed Miliband (who at least possessed an advantage sadly denied to me of learning lessons at Eric Hobsbawm's feet) ?    We shall probably see in 2015.

Richard Griffiths 1947-2013

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A sad loss today with the death of Hollywood and television star Richard Griffiths, born in Thornaby-on-Tees, who died yesterday. Children will know him from the 'Harry Potter' series, but for me he will always be the insurmountable Montague Withnail.


TOTALLY OFF THE RAILS - THE ARGUMENT AGAINST PRIVATISING THE EAST COAST MAIN LINE

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43251 Eaton Lane.jpg
 
Most of us have use the East Coast Main Line for visits to London or Edinburgh.  This main line is a vital link for Teesside and the North East connecting us to the rest of the country.  It is worth saying that the line is still one of the  country's premier high speed lines, with a credible 2 hour 15 minute fastest time from Darlington to Kings Cross and return.  It is worth reminding people that despite the various privateers who have with varying degree of success run this line over the past few years, the trains on the line have been - since 2009 - run by the state controlled Direct Operating Railway since the last privateer - National Express - threw their towel into the ring in 2009.    Also worth noting is that the fast and comfortable rolling stock and locomotive units dates back to British Rail days, as does the track modernisation and electrification which underpins the smooth 125 mph average running.   But now, in an act of sheer mindless ideological spite, this asset (which is both profitable and gives a return to the state and the railway network in general) is to be put up for auction again. In consequence the usual suspects, Branson's Virgin Rail, Arriva and the First Group are now perching like mangy vultures above the offices of the Department of Transport.

There are plenty of obvious arguments against this - starting from basic common sense and graduating to noting that with the shambles around the re-tendering of the West Coast Main Line heading towards the court, the whole exercise for our local London link may have to be aborted and re-started if the courts deliver  a judgement that forces the DFT to alter all the ground rules for tendering franchises - but one number crunching analysis from the Conference of Socialist Economists deserves much wider circulation.  It was written by Michael Burke.  Unusually one might think, Michael Burke is not  an ivory towered academic economist, but someone who has got his hands dirty as a Senior International Economist with Citibank in London.

His argument is below (my highlighting).   As someone whose first job after leaving school was as a British Railways shunter (complete with greasy cap and long pole), I recommend it unreservedly.   I can only hope it is read by our Shadow DFT team in the Commons.

David Walsh

The logic of privatisation of the East Coast mainline

By Michael Burke


The Coalition government has announced its intention to privatise the East Coast mainline rail network. The network was nationalised 3 years ago when the previous private operators discontinued their franchise because they could not make a profit.


The re-privatisation of the East Coast mainline highlights a key fallacy of the current government’s failed economic policy. It also sheds light on the role of the state in resolving the current crisis.


Real aims versus stated aims


The stated aim of government policy is to reduce the public sector deficit. George Osborne has swindled and fiddled the figures in a desperate attempt to hide the real position that the deficit is actually rising, including accounting for the assets of the Royal Mail pension fund but not their liabilities, counting government interest paid to the Bank of England as income and withholding payments to international bodies. All of these devices can only massage the deficit temporarily. They cannot produce either growth or, because of that, a lower deficit.


Investment in rail could form an important part of an investment-led recovery, which would also have the effect of reducing the growth in carbon emissions. But private companies struggle because they cannot continually increase profits while very large scale investments are required. They are certainly not in the business of depleting profits further to allow investment. All the large-scale investment in rail projects over the recent past has been led and co-ordinated by government. Returning the East Coast line to the private sector will not produce increased investment.


Privatisation will also undermine the stated objective of debt- and deficit-reduction. In public hands the line has returned £640mn over 3 years to public finances. With current very low returns on capital and low government borrowing rates this represents a very sizeable return. Government propaganda is that ‘we can either invest in rail, or the NHS’. In reality, investment in rail helps to pay for the NHS.


It is possible to establish the value of the rail line which is now on the chopping block. That can be done by using Net Present Value (NPV) methods. NPV simply values all investments from the cashflows they generate. £640mn over 3 years is about £215mn each year. Currently the government’s long-term borrowing rate is just under 1.9%. So, what sum of capital would be needed to yield £215mn a year to the government when interest rates are at 1.9%? If the interest rate is 1.9% and the actual return is £215mn, the NPV is £11.3bn (that is, 215 divided by 0.019).


Therefore any sale of the East Coast franchise for less than £11.3bn is very poor value, one which will see the deficit and the debt rise faster than if it were kept in public hands. The government will be lucky to get one-tenth of that value from a private sale. The giveaway has nothing to do with growth or deficit-reduction. It has everything to do with restoring the profits of the private sector, which is the purpose of austerity.


State versus private sector


This highlights a more general point. The East Coast network is worth far less to the private sector than the public sector. It must pay a far higher rate of interest than the government, so the NPV of any major asset is lower to the private sector.
In addition, the private sector must provide a profit to shareholders. These are funds that cannot be used for necessary investment. As a result, under privatisation, the government subsidy to the rail industry (which is almost wholly for capital investment) has actually risen in real terms to £3.9bn last year from £2.75bn in the late 1980s when it was in public hands.


The private sector is unable or unwilling to make the necessary investment in the rail infrastructure. Its overriding objective is to provide a return to shareholders. The greater risks associated with the private sector mean that the state is better placed to make those investments. The real alternative, aside from government propaganda, is that the state has to fund this capital investment in either event. 


Keeping rail in the public sector, and taking the remainder into public ownership is simply a cheaper and more efficient option.

THERE'S NO TRANSPORT OF DELIGHT HERE - WHY WE NEED REGULATED BUSES ON TEESSIDE

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In an earlier PRT piece I raised the issue of the Coalition's manic desire to re-privatise the East Coast Main Line railway service - our link to London.

But for every Teessider who gets on or off the London train at Darlington, there are 10  other locals riding on our buses here at home,   And these buses are crucial to local community life.

But as we all know to our cost, there are serious problems with these bus services.   Centrally, this comes as part of one of the last legacies of Margaret Thatcher and her then Transport Minister, Nicholas Ridley, when they decided to 'de-regulate' local bus services back in the late 1980's.

To understand the issues, it’s important to understand how privatisation of the buses has worked.   Up until 1986 bus services were ‘regulated’ with Traffic Commissioners exercising control over both safety and ‘quantity’ of bus services and most (but not all) bus services were run by council-owned operators. 

The 1985 Transport Act changed all that.

Anyone with a small amount of cash (like Brian Souter, a strange mixture of Scots evangelism and hard right social attitudes) who, with his sister, Ann Gloag, founded Stagecoach, could start up in business, as long as they met basic safety standards. Almost overnight new services on routes where operators thought they might make a bit of money became clogged with antiquated life-expired buses. It was capitalism raw in tooth and claw. Some people (again like Brian Souter and Ann Gloag)) became immensely rich. 

If Margaret Thatcher didn't get you, I will.......
The way it works is like this. Under the 1985 Act provision was made for ‘socially necessary’ bus services which would be tendered by local authorities. Once again this led to a race to the bottom, with operators providing ever-worsening pay and conditions to staff.

The 1985 act didn't privatise bus services, but lay the ground for a creeping privatisation which saw local authorities forced to divest themselves of their bus operations over several years.  Locally we lost Cleveland Transit and Hartlepool Transport directly to bids from Stagecoach, whilst Darlington's council's bus operation was run into the ground by a combination of Stagecoach, and what is now Arriva, putting on a plethora of intensive and cheaper services that became immediately less frequent and more dearer when Darlington Council Buses had to shut up shop against this relentless competition.   

Darlington's "Peoples Buses"  - killed by the big bus companies and a Tory Government

Whilst over three-quarters of the bus network outside London is operated on this basis as ‘commercial’, local authorities and passenger transport executives in the big cities do have reserve powers, but a shrinking pot of money, to subsidise what are seen as socially needed local bus services. This is done by competitive tendering, with the local authority or PTE setting the basic parameters in terms of times of operation. In the last two years several county councils have drastically cut their tendered services with some pulling out altogether.

There are two main reasons for this. The most obvious is the financial vice gripping local councils as a result of Coalition policies.  The second is the effective pattern of monopoly that has emerged amongst the big five private bus operators.  (Arriva, First, Go-Ahead, National Express and Stagecoach).Monopoly seems to be in the gene pool of bus operators, with (in this area) the old United and Northern Bus companies carving up the North East on a geographical basis as early as the 1920's to lessen direct competition.  The same is true today, with Arriva and Stagecoach dominating different but highly segmented areas of Teesside.  In Redcar and Cleveland over 95% of all services are run by Arriva, whilst in Middlesbrough west of Marton Road, the field seems to have been left open to Stagecoach, a company that also seems to have free run of Hartlepool and Billingham.     The results of the tendering that our councils still exercise seem also to reflect this - with Company A all too often putting in what can only be called unrealistic high tenders, leaving Company B with a free run if the council have to let the service. 

Proving complicity is difficult - and the big 5 have very deep pockets to pay for for libel lawyers.  But one example will suffice.  Back in the early 1990's, just after de-regulation, a letter with a sheaf of documents  arrived at Council Leader Paul Harford's office at Cleveland County Council. Sent to him by Gisborough Hall Hotel in error, thinking from its contents it was for him, it appeared, in fact, to be notes of a meeting at the hotel of the big bus operators examining the pattern of tenders for home to school bus transport that the council would soon  be issuing.    No exhaust smoke without fire.........
  
Interestingly, London was excluded from de-regulation and instead enjoyed a much greater degree of public control through franchising of local networks. Transport for London is responsible for managing London’s bus services through franchises for distinct local networks which are bid for by accredited operators. In London, Transport for London (which is accountable to the Mayor) specifies in detail what bus services are to be provided. TfL decides the routes, timetables and fares – everything down to the colour of the buses. The services themselves are operated by private companies through a competitive tendering process. There is no onroad competition.  This has given London a world-class, 24/7 bus network with a fully accessible, green and clean vehicle fleet. It has also made it possible for London to introduce integrated smartcard ticketing in the form of Oyster. Yet in the rest of the country, bus services are increasingly under threat.

The industry is itself facing major challenges that could threaten this vital contribution. Amongst those challenges are:

-          a cut of 20% to the bus service operators grant (BSOG) from this April. (BSOG rebates bus operators for the fuel duty they pay in running local bus services, so reducing the cost of providing a bus service and helping to keep fares low.

-          Reductions in Department for Communities and Local Government funding for local government, putting local authority budgets for supported bus services under pressure. Local government funds bus services that would not be profitable for bus companies to run on a commercial basis. Often these are evening or weekend services or buses to isolated housing estates or rural areas

-          A halving of Integrated Transport Block funding for small to medium size public transport schemes which funds measures such as bus priority schemes.

-          Meeting the rising demand for concessionary travel for older and disabled people in the context of reduced funding from Government 

-          Abolition of Rural Bus Grant which helps provide non-commercial rural services. This is affecting the Shires. As of October 2011, it is estimated that one in five of the supported bus services in the Shires have already been cut, and 77% of local transport authorities in England were either planning, or could not rule out, further cuts. 

It’s time Labour grasped the problem of buses and the failures of de-regulation. But for once, there are some possible grounds for optimism. Labour’s transport shadow spokesperson Maria Eagle made this key point at the 2012 Labour Party Conference: "The reality is that bus deregulation outside London is a dogmatic experiment that has failed.   The Government is putting the wrong people first by siding with the private bus companies over passengers. In contrast, Labour’s Policy Review has been looking at how government could better support transport authorities who seek to reverse bus deregulation, including through the introduction of Deregulation Exemption zones. It’s time that passengers across England were able to benefit from an integrated transport network with smart ticketing and regulated fares on local bus and rail services as exists in London.”

This represents a big step forward in Labour’s thinking. De-regulation ‘exemption zones’ could, in theory, be as wide as you want. De-regulation has clearly failed to deliver and making the most of exemption zones could help deliver a more efficient, passenger-focused bus network quickly and effectively.  This would still mean that many bus services are delivered by the private sector.

But we have to be realistic. The private bus sector is a huge international force and has to be reckoned with.  Indeed, when the Tyne and Wear Councils rather modestly suggested that they could introduce better, more well-integrated, bus transport patterns in their area, a spokesman for the Big 5 accused them of 'behaving like Stalin and Castro' and threatened that they would all take their buses off the road if any changes were introduced.

There isn't a single UK-wide solution for the bus industry but a sensible approach would be about encouraging the better private operators within a publicly-specified framework and looking at ways of opening up the market to social enterprise and municipally-owned (or part-owned) operators.

It could work like this.  The five Teesside Councils (who cover an area with existing interlocking bus services) could simply act armed with  similar powers now exercised by the DFT for the Rail network.  They could set up a model of service, based on comprehensive cover of the area, start and finish times, frequency and fare levels. This could also extend to interchange with trains, taxi ranks and, when we get it, a Tees Valley Metro.  Once this model was completed, it could then be put out for a simple tender based on both cost and quality. There would be nothing to stop tenderers putting in extensions to this framework or, indeed, to small niche operators like (in this area) Leven Valley Buses also looking at running their own services where they might see a market gap  or a social need which could be supported on a community basis.

There is a good moral argument for this as well as ones of strict economics and better transport planning.  Local councils are responsible for much of the physical infrastructure that underpins local bus operation,  This ranges from erecting bus shelters and stops and keeping timetable frames up-to-date through to road improvements to better accommodate buses and building and maintaining bus stations like Middlesbrough's (Built by the former Cleveland County Council and now, updated and modernised, by Middlesbrough Borough Council).

Middlesbrough Bus Station - a temple of municipal socialism ?

The key thing is to end the current mess that de-regulation has introduced, with a free-for-all of which actually results in a poorer overall service for passengers and the ridiculous spectacle of two or more bus companies competing on lucrative corridors whilst large swathes of towns and cities are not covered at all – particularly at evenings and Sundays.

Teesside has been one of the laboratories for bus de-regulation.   A Labour Government with the will to introduce new, bold, legislation, could be the catalyst which allows a Labour Teesside to once again run a transport network local people can be proud of, would trust and - crucially - would use.

David Walsh (and a bus user)

SIGNING ON IN STOCKTON ? WELFARE BENEFITS AND FULL EMPLOYMENT IN A FAIR SOCIETY ON TEESSIDE

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Hidden by the fog and the frenzy of the Thatcher death come some interesting figures this week from the brutalist towers of Sheffield Hallam University

The work of local Guisborough LP member and friend of mine, Professor Steve Fothergill, who, during the week is based at the Centre for Social and Economic Research down there, shows the total loss to the population of our area from the cumulative cuts to social welfare payments now being introduced.  The work shows the great North / South divide in graphic terms, with the NE, the NW and Yorkshire and Humberside standing to lose £5.2  million a year in benefit income.    

When the figures are aggregated on a per head working age adult basis, the local figures are stark   Middlesbrough is £720 per head, Hartlepool £710 per head and Redcar and Cleveland £620 per head.  The least affected areas include (surprise, surprise) places like Wokingham, Cambridge and Oxfordshire (which will keep infuriating claimants away from David Cameron's surgeries)

                                                            
Steve Fothergill turning his back on modern technology
But, given that even in our area, many people are still in work and (on sites like Wilton) often earning good wages, this only underlines the sheer impact of the cuts on the poorest.  Indeed in areas like ours it would seem that our Tory-led government is bent on ruining the lives of anyone and everyone. Not even families caring for those suffering from severe disabilities have been spared. For 660,000 of these people, the Bedroom Tax will rob them of £14 a week. I say ‘everyone’, but this is a Tory-led government after all! No surprises then when the scrapping of the 50p tax for 13,000 millionaires was announced. They can continue to feel confident that Dave will spend more hours trying to ring-fence their opulence than the NHS.

But despite all this, we still have the conundrum that, from we are led to believe by the polls (and they all seem to correlate) there is still a majority out there who believe in welfare benefit cuts.  Research carried out , for instance, by ComRes has revealed that 40% of people believe those on benefits are ‘scroungers’ and over 64% think the benefits system isn’t working. 

Clearly, the culture of demonising people on benefits has become ingrained in our society

Now all this seems, from the benefit of my anecdotal evidence of overhearing or being in conversations in the pub, the check out queue - or indeed from helping people directly with constituency casework - to often be a bit schizophrenic.   It seems often to be voiced as 'there are too many people out there who are on the fiddle - but I have to say the way our lasses sister has been tret has been shocking.  Anyone apart from those social security doctors could see she is really ill".   This seems to be on par with everyone thinking we need more social housing (as long as is is not to be built near them) or evidencing casual and often unthinking racism but praising the Doctor from the Indian Sub-Continent at JCUH or North Tees 'who couldn't have done enough' for a family member 

The trouble is, that for many on the left, this is something best ignored.  The desire is to dive immediately into anti-cuts activism - and rightly.  But whilst anti-cut websites and petitions are available for those who look for them, the overall lack of public response has been shocking. Take a look at last weeks pre Thatcher death front pages. From the Daily Mail’s focus on police injury claims and Pippa Middleton’s backside to the Independent’s emphasis on cuts to military spending, very little  mention  was made (some honourable stuff in the Mirror and Guardian aside) of the dismantlement of the welfare state.


Pippa Middleston - posterior takes precedence over politics ?
 
 
The Mick Phillpott issue and the way the Tories used it may be crucial to these mind sets.  I won't go into this aspect in any depth - it has already been well covered in comment from across the left elsewhere,   But, for what it is worth, I sense the hand of Lynton Crosby in there somewhere.  And Lynton Crosby knows who Willie Horton was, and how this Massachusetts murderer allowed out on parole by the state government was so used by George Bush senior as a stick to beat the former Massachusetts Governor who was his presidential opponent in 1988, that many could be forgiven for thinking that Horton was Michael Dukakis's running mate.  My guess is that the nearer we get to 2015, the more mini-Philpotts will emerge in Tory demotic.
 . 
But where do we begin? After all, it’s a lot easier to campaign against specific government policies than to tackle a vague and intangible ‘culture’. Targeting the Bedroom Tax is a far more attractive call to arms than an appeal for support against a vague-sounding “culture”. But it has to be tackled nonetheless.  We need to start with the media and politics itself. So, briefly, let's go back to Victory Road in Derby. Instead of dealing with a man clearly suffering from psychopathic propensities, Mick Philpott was attacked by the Daily Mail as a “benefit scrounger” and ridiculed on Jeremy Kyle. Of course, his actions were bestial. They left six children dead. But by continually putting him up, the press undoubtedly contributed to the sickening plan that he formulated.  We have to point out two equal and self-evident truths.  The first is to refute the simple philosophic error of saying something like "Mick Philpott was a murderer.  Mick Philpott was on benefits.  Ergo everyone on benefits is a murderer.!  The second is to remind everyone that people like Mick Philpott have always been part of society - here, there and everywhere.  There is no link between the Philpott persona and benefits - there were psychopaths around even in the heights of the post war affluent society, and low life has always existed in all civilizations, Even the man who most cogently analysed class, Karl Marx, recognised this (i).
 
Secondly we need to hammer on that the real instances of benefit fraud are rare. Why are we so shy or worried about raising Iain Duncan-Smith’s own department’s research, which reveals how only 0.8% of benefit-claimants are cheating the system.
 
And it has to be Labour that can do this.  A lot of the protests over the Bedroom Tax are the work of the far left.  But the far left are not going to form the next government.  Labour will.  And our task - Labour’s task - is to erase a culture that has crept so deep into every crevice of our society.   It will be a hard job.  The spirit of '45 is one thing.  We need to create an atmosphere that can form the spirit of '15 as well.    But there are straws in the wind that show this may be possible.  After all, judged by recent party polling and voter intention polling, the Welfare/  Philpott hysteria has not shown up in the polls, indeed the opposite seems to be the case.  So perhaps, as with his work in Australia for Oz Tory John Howard and in the UK for namesake Tory Leader Michael Howard (are you thinking what we're thinking ?) , Lynton Crosby's efforts have been shown in the end to have proved a fat lot of good for his gruesome employers. 


Lynton Crosby 'sorry Mr Howard - did you say I'm fired... but"

Some work is being done.   But it needs to be far bolder.   I worry that Liam Byrne's sudden announcement that we are to look to 'emulate Beveridge'  and set benefits back on a contributory basis, with the amount of Tax and NI paid as a guide to future benefit entitlement, was rushed out as an attempt to be seen to be doing something, anything, to try and curb the Philpott hysteria.   Trouble is, is that no-one seems to have analysed what Beveridge and the Beveridge Report was about in overall terms and looked at it in terms of its contemporary setting.

True, Beveridge was opposed to means testing and believed in a contributory system.  But we have to remember what motivated Beveridge.  He was an Edwardian scholar, economist and social reformer.  He was a classic liberal who came of age in the golden years of the Asquith regime. But crucially, these years were followed by the great war and two decades of mass unemployment. It was only the second world war that again secured continued employment for all.  Beveridge recognised this, and recognised that a system of contributory social insurance could only work in a society that has gained full employment.  That is why his magnum opus following the publication of his report was titled 'Full Employment in a Fair Society'.  Again we also have to see the kind of Labour Market that his report would - he hoped - bring about.   It was a society based on the assumption that jobs were for life and that steady, gainful employment was possible by the joint efforts of private industry and the state.


The 'People's William' - Beveridge amid his public

These factors are not the case today.  We do not have full employment.  We have not had full employment in the sense that Beveridge would have recognised since the late 1970's.  Instead we now have an ingrained  pattern where jobs for life are either the preserve of a small handful, and often of those who went into the labour market many years ago, and where for pretty well everyone else under 40, the pattern is of shifting employment, out sourcing, sporadic and expected spells of unemployment at the worse , or under employment or part time casualised work at the best.  This is not the labour market environment that can contribute to a full record of PAYE or self-assessment and NI payments.  Hence the logic of Liam Byrne's thinking is that we paradoxically reward those who, through luck, location or age, have such good employment related record, and relegate those who due to age (and this means younger people) gender (much casual work is still, whether we like it or not, and I don't, female and related to personal services and retailing) or location (places like Teesside as against Tonbridge) do not have the ability to build up such a contributory record.


Liam Byrne - a bit of a big job ahead ?

Despite this, I am still optimistic.   But we - Labour - needs to emulate the spirit of Beveridge by stating explicitly that we see the re-creation of full employment as a long term aim over the period of - say - two parliamentary terms, and that we also seek to construct our own benefits reforms around this long term aim.  This will mean that for the first period in office we need to explicitly also say that the state, existing amid the detritus of an emasculated private manufacturing sector, will have to take the lead in work creation, based on the spirit of the New Deal and on the positive experiences of the past work in the RDA's and in the Future Jobs Programme of the Blair / Brown years. 

And we need, like Beveridge, to harness the work of academia to assist and augment the civil service.  Perhaps we can start with Steve Fothergill and his colleagues at Hallam ?

David Walsh
 
 (i)   I put this remark in for just one reason.  Marx, when he had his dander up could be a great polemical writer.  And when we come to low life, I think the brilliant passage below from Capital only occurred after a possible bruising encounter he may have had with some Victorian Cockney Arthur Daley's in his favourite boozers of choice on Hanpstead Heath.

"Alongside decayed roués with dubious means of subsistence and of dubious origin, alongside ruined and adventurous offshoots of the bourgeoisie, were vagabonds, discharged soldiers, discharged jailbirds, escaped galley slaves, swindlers, mountebanks, lazzaroni, pickpockets, tricksters, gamblers, maquereaux, brothel keepers, porters, literati, organ grinders, ragpickers, knife grinders, tinkers, beggars — in short, the whole indefinite, disintegrated mass, thrown hither and thither, which the French call la bohème’)

And to save you the trouble of funding our who the Lazzarini's were, I googled them.  They turned out to be a milieu of beggars and petty thieves who infested the streets of Naples.  Oddly enough they were devout royalists and fervently supported the House of Savoy.  Nothing much changes.......... 

Local Showing of "Spirit of 45"

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Please find attached a flyer from Anna Turley, the Labour Party's Prospective Parliamentary Candidate for  Redcar, who has arranged a special showing of the film that celebrates Labour's 1945 election victory - a victory that led to the Attlee Government, the entire post war settlement, the NHS, new housing, social control of key industries like the mines and utilities like the railways, independence for India and other former colonies, and which - months before its end - stopped the US from escalating the war in Korea by using nuclear weapons.  

This is something to celebrate, and for the spirit of 2015 - our next election - we need to rekindle the spirit of 1945,  

The showing will be at the Regent Cinema, Redcar on Sunday the 19th May and starts at 4,30 p.m,, allowing for a social night at a local pub afterwards.  Tickets are £5.00 to cover costs, and will be issued on a strictly 'first come first served'' basis.  Details  fpr booking are on the flyer.

Hope to see you there.

David Walsh 
 
 

"Cleveland's Great Commoner" - George Markham Tweddell, Chartist and 'Friend of the People' who Spanned Two Centuries

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A year or so back I made brief mention of an historic local individual who, I firmly believe, warrants and deserves a far higher degree of attention from local Socialists than is presently the case.
 
I refer to George Markham Tweddell - a man who spanned the decades of the 19th century that saw the birth of local radicalism, the growth of Trades Unionism and the development of the early socialist movement - and who only died in 1903, by which time what we know as today's Labour Party had been founded. Indeed, it can be said that Tweddell was unique in that he provided a local life-long link between Chartism, working class radicalism, involvement with the nascent workers movement and the beginnings of what we know as the modern Labour movement.
 
His story remains to be fully written up, but the Tweddell society, backed by the lineal descendents of his family, in particular the late Paul MarkhamTweddell, George's, great, great grandson and his widow, Sandra,  exists to give the facts about his life as they are known, as well as Great Ayton writer and musician, Trev Teasdel, who has also been extremely diligent in researching and re-publishing on-line Tweddell's life and written essays, compositions and poetry.  It is overwhelmingly largely from the written up work of both the society and Trevor that I append - with thanks and acknowledgement - the brief synopsis below.


Paul Markham Tweddell R.I.P.
 
George was a native of Stokesley, born on a farm there in 1823.   He was the son of Elizabeth Tweddell, whose extended family lived at  Garden House, a 15-acre farm one mile along the Great Ayton road from Stokesley .  George was born illegitimate although his fathers identity was never hidden - he was a Royal Navy Lieutenant, George Markham, who had been born in 1797 in the Rectory, Stokesley.  Lt Markham had lived an adventurous life in the Royal Navy, had been mentioned in dispatches during the late Napoleonic campaign on the Mediterranean coast of France and was wounded in the Siege of Algiers in 1816.   
 
However Elizabeth and her new born son were nurtured and cared for in the family, something not all that common in those days for children born outside marriage,   It was also helpful that the family were part of the local middle class shopocracy, owning two businesses in Stokesley, a  grocery shop in West Green and a drapers business run by his uncle. 
 
Elizabeth's mother worked in her father's grocery shop and from an early age took George for walks around the district when time allowed during which she taught him all she knew of country lore.   He was schooled at the local Stokesley National School, where he came into contact with an inspirational teacher, William Sanderson, who took him under his wing expanding the school's teaching with an informal education given around the countryside during fine evenings. These discussions built up the boy's knowledge of science, philosophy and history and he acquired a life-long love of literature, particularly for poetry.
 
It is probably also that at this time he developed his life long radicalism.   Stokesley at this time was one of the biggest town in what was then the 'old' Cleveland.   Middlesbrough had yet to be built, and the local economy was based on agriculture, agriculture which was largely based on the growing of flax, which was then spun and woven locally into linen - a key material in clothing, and, locally, sailcloth making for the large sail making enterprises in Stockton and Yarm.   
 
Stokesley was also a town with a history of political radicalism in the period following the French Revolution and there was a flourishing Paineite movement active in the town, and which corresponded widely with similarly minded associate groups in Stockton and the wider North East. Many of the people from that period would have still been alive and active in Stokesley's town life, and I suspect George lapped up their anecdotes and observations.    He could also not, as a boy, have been unaware of the unrest in the area following the economic downturn of the late 1820's and early 1830's and the subsequent agricultural depopulation caused by both that recession and the impact of the enforced enclosure of land by the local gentry.  Indeed, it was nearby Yarm that marked the northernmost extent of the England wide 'Swing' riots of the 1830's and in which many agricultural labourers took part in - at the risk of their lives.
 

 
 

George in mid life 

After leaving school, George worked briefly with his grandfather, John, and then became an apprentice to William Braithwaite who ran one of the two large printing and publishing companies in the town. Braithwaite had the reputation of supporting promising young employees and introduced George to John Walker Ord (1811-1854), the admired author of The History and Antiquities of Cleveland (1838). The two men became friends, despite their differing politics, and continued corresponding until Ord's death.
 
In 1841, at the extremely young age of 18, George sought approval from his master to set up a newspaper and his master agreed, in spite of the obviously radical tone George proposed ('to give the ordinary people of Cleveland a newspaper that would reflect their more liberal opinions rather than those of the landowning classes'). The first copy of the Cleveland News and Stokesley Reporter duly appeared on the 1st of November 1842, 

 


A free press makes us free
 
The paper took a radical stance from the very first edition, and after two further editions had hit the streets and were beginning to be avidly read and passed around by local artisans and farmhands, it appeared that a determined attempt by local Tories to silence this new - and possibly dangerous - voice was mounted. It seems that representatives of the local propertied class visited Braithwaite to persuade him to stop publishing George's criticism of the Tory government, of which they were firm supporters. They demanded of Braithwaite that he was to withdraw from George the use of his printing press and the licence he needed to publish from the premises.
 
As a result the printer dismissed George (probably on the legal grounds of "bringing his master into disrepute"). Within a month, remarkably, George had managed to acquire a new license and access to a new press (although from whom is not known) to produce the third edition on time. For George, the contents for the editorial for this edition were obvious and he castigated his former employer, claiming Braithwaite was trying to 'crush our little periodical', and that 'our printer is a good easy man, afraid that our generous principles of peace on earth and goodwill toward men should be mistaken for his own'. 
 
When it became obvious to his political opponents that George's newspaper was going to continue as an organ of anti-government opinion in the area, the opposition quickly put together a rival the Cleveland Repertory and Stokesley Advertiser, appearing on the same day as George's third edition, 1st January 1843. 
 
Probably to George's bitterness this was also published by William Braithwaite using the capacity of his press left vacant by the departure of the Reporter. The rival's explicit policy was: 'to put right the failure of other sources of news and opinion in the area'; 'to uphold great national institutions, especially the Church of England'  and '- amazingly - to be more 'uncongenial" to an agricultural population'. "We are," they concluded, "conservatives".   The message was clear and stark. No workers need read it.  No cottagers need buy it.    It was for the local wealthy class and the continuance of the old order.

But George's bull-like tenacity ensured that his paper -  a paper for everyman and women, not the estate owners - continued to hit the streets.  His view of his new competitor was contemptuous.
 
"When the Stokesley News and Cleveland Reporter first made its appearance in the political and literary world, it was with a firm determination to lash every species of vice with an unsparing hand, and to be the unflinching advocate of civil and religious liberty - fearlessly to tear the mask from the sinister deeds of unprincipled legislators and trafficking politicians of every party."
 
From George's editorials in the Cleveland News and Stokesley Reporter it is possible to construct his political 'wish-list', wishes of which many came true. Of these some came quickly; the Corn Laws were repealed in 1846, the fall of Napoleon III in France two years later. Others took more time, arriving piecemeal like the abolition (in peacetime) of the cat-o'-nine-tails as a Royal Navy punishment in 1871, the 1870 Married Woman's Property Act and the beginnings of universal franchise (from 1884). Others were still issues alive in our time -  Irish independence, the equal rights of women and the (still unresolved) abolition of the House of Lords. 
 
The progress of the Anti-Corn Law league is reported and discussed throughout the collection of  Stokesley News for 1843 / 44. These contemporary accounts of the action which eventually led to the repeal of the corn laws by Sir Robert Peel in 1846, although it brought his Government down, reflect the turbulent feelings of the times with their undercurrents of revolution. He also railed at the highly public "hiring fairs" for farm workers and domestic servants which were held in market towns like Stokesley and Guisborough with all the trappings of servility that they gave. Another topic featured was 'Ireland and its Rulers', with Daniel O'Connor advocating Ireland for the Irish. Politics were, however, overshadowed when the potato crop failed in 1845, to be followed by the disastrous famine. The New poor Law and its workhouse system was discussed at length: The People's Charter, What are the People to do? Is it a bloody revolution, or will bold writings  true speaking and open acting prove the way?

 
In parallel with his newspaper activities George acted as secretary to the Stokesley branch of the Chartist Association and, when he was aged 23, shared the fate of many Chartist supporters by being imprisoned for contempt of court. Whilst inside, he wrote essays and poems later published in Chartist supporting periodicals These were a series on political themes, particularly about tyrants, oppression and people’s rights.  He also, on release, began to play an active role in the local Freemasons which he had joined as a teenager .This may look odd now, but in the period we are speaking of, Freemasonry had a tradition of both encouraging free thinking philosophical thought and debate and allowing the space to develop these ideas untrammelled by conventional social restriction. 
 
Edition 15 of George's newspaper, a year after his difficulties with Braithwaite, appeared on 1st January 1844 and in it he entered the announcement of his marriage to Elizabeth Cole on the previous day, 31st December 1843. Clearly the event had not been allowed to hold up publication, but what it had achieved was the bringing together of the families of three Cleveland personalities; George's grandfather, John Tweddell; his grandmother's brother, Christopher Rowntree ("Gentleman Kitty"); and Elizabeth's grandfather, Thomas ('Tommy') Cole, the stable master to Robert Chaloner, the chief landowner in Guisborough and whose descendent was to become the present Lord Gisborough (sic). 
 

 Home Page Image

George and Elizabeth
 
After 23 editions of the paper the Reporter folded, (a demise probably brought about by the retreat of the Chartist tide) and, following this, George started putting his energies into writing and publishing more mainstream books and magazines. Amongst the latter (published by George's older half-brother, Thomas, also a former apprentice of Braithwaite) was Tweddell's Yorkshire Miscellany and Englishman's Magazine (1844-46) which John Ord encouraged by offering articles of his own for inclusion, proof-reading it and defending George from a similar, rival magazine being planned in Stockton on Tees. 
  
It seems that this magazine had mixed fortunes and in the late 1840's both George and Elizabeth began to look to a new life departure.    This was to bring them from the market town of Stokesley and the small (but burgeoning) industrial townships of Stockton and Middlesbrough to the very heart of the new industrial country that was developing new technologies and new class structures.

During the 1840's British industrial towns were experiencing the worst effects of the industrial revolution. Large families lived in destitution, with inadequate housing and frequent periods of unemployment. In 1850, the British government was alerted to these conditions through a report  that recognised a correlation between those being convicted of crimes and their lack of education. By introducing children to reading and writing and by giving them the habits of working regularly, members of the council hoped children: "who had fallen into a life of crime could be persuaded to amend their ways" through 'Industrial Schools' set up by local initiatives. 
 
If anywhere in Britain needed such institutions, it was the new town of Middlesbrough where, according to the historian, R.I.P. Hastings, social facilities were slow in developing due to the town's lack of leadership (except for the efforts of a handful of non-conformist churches). Inevitably, despite a willingness to be involved in the new Industrial School movement, Elizabeth and George had no convenient place in which to assist in Middlesbrough, which had to wait until 1875 for such a school of its own.
 

 

The 'Infant Hercules' - but no place for infants

In contrast the Lancashire industrial town of Bury, where crime was common despite the flourishing state of its cotton and iron industry, had swiftly heeded their town's need. By March 1855 prominent Bury people had pledged their support alongside the local police and were ready to set up and fund an Industrial School. So it was there that George, as headmaster, and Elizabeth, as matron, responded to a call made probably by Rev. Sidney Turner, the government inspector of reformatories, and Thomas Wright, the prison philanthropist with both of whom George had corresponded. 
 
Being based in Bury meant that they were close to the new industrial giant 'shock city' of the nineteenth century, Manchester, a city that had recently been analysed by Engels for his book 'The Condition of the Working Class in England', and especially for George regular attendance at meetings  of the Manchester Philosophical Society, a forum for debate on progressive and radical ideas of the age. This body, established in 1781 as the Literary and Philosophical Society of Manchester, by Thomas Barnes and Thomas Henry, had many prominent members including Robert Owen, John Dalton and, later scientists such as Ernest Rutherford and engineers like Robert Whitworth.  

Of interest is the thought that there George could have met Friedrich Engels, who, after a period out of Britain, had returned to Manchester to again take up a position in the family firm, Ermen and Engels, after an exciting time observing and taking part, with Marx, in the revolutionary upheaval in the Europe wide unrest of 1848-9. True, Manchester was by then a big city, but the middle class literary and philosophical milieu there was still very small, and it is certain that this was a pool in which both George and Engels would have swum.  Whether they met will always be unknown, but to me, the fancy that they did, remains.
  
Despite the wide support given to the school, notice was given in July 1860 that Bury Industrial School would close on 20th August without any apparent reason. The event that set the crisis underway appeared to be the departure of a Unitarian minister, Benjamin Glover, who had taken responsibility for the administration work of the school and raised funds. George was deeply disappointed by the decision and tried to set up another school on his own. In an open letter to the local newspaper he appealed for subscribers and offered to open a new school on the 1st September, accepting a lower salary than before and defraying any extra costs from his own income. Disappointingly, money did not materialise and the author of an article in the Bury newspaper in 1919 suggests Bury's leading citizens did not approve the private nature of this venture, as the school would no longer be in the control of the town authorities.
 
Reflecting thirty years later on this time, George wrote that he "enjoyed collecting abandoned children" in Bury, although Elizabeth had found the combined duties as matron to the school and mother to the growing family too onerous. The Tweddell family left almost at once even postponing the baptism of their latest child until they had found a new home back in Stokesley. 
 
The next year saw another move when they upped sticks to live at the now demolished street, 11 Commercial Road, in Middlesbrough's St Hilda's area. At this time almost all the inhabitants of this town were labourers, which made George one of the very few people in the town to have status high enough to be worthy of note in Slater's 1864 Yorkshire Directory, George being one of the only two 'gentry' entered in it. 
 
A family bequest (of £100 per year) helped George to look to new enterprise, and this took the form of a new business 'Tweddell and Sons', a newsagent and printing business based at 87 Linthorpe Road (now a new building occupied by Superdrug),  One product of this new business was a Middlesbrough Directory, and a assorted booklets with a local flavour.  As the printing and publishing business proceeded, George seems to have learnt from his earlier period and adopted a more cautious business strategy. This time a list of subscribers was set up before the heavier expense of printing was started. With a major book, a list of 300 subscribers seems to be the number sought before starting a print run, although a small book could make a profit with 100 subscribers. Only the preparation and editing remained a speculative cost to be borne by the business if the project failed.
 
In was in this period that George did most of his writing.  These were, in the main, collections of poetry, sonnets and compositions (often in local dialect) by other local writers, local histories and a pioneering tourist guide to Redcar and East Cleveland, at the time being opened up to visitors by the new connections pioneered by the Stockton and Darlington Railway. This, whilst concentrating on the beauties of the area and local buildings of interest, also added social content and ideas for the development of Teesside - including the idea of making Redcar 'a harbour of refuge' linked to Middlesbrough and the new Middlesbrough Docks by a canal capable of allowing passage to sea going vessels and thus allowing them to  avoid the then undredged sandbanks and shallows of the Tees estuary.   His output in this period also allowed for Elizabeth to have published a collection of poems she had penned, and which appeared under the author's pseudonym of 'Florence Cleveland'.

He also engaged in extensive correspondence with other writers and radicals across the North East.  This was a wide circle, including such people as Joseph Cowen, the Newcastle based editor of the Newcastle Chronicle, a one time MP and friend of, amongst others,  Garibaldi and Bakunin.   In one letter George declared "I could name a local writer for every tick of my watch." 

This diligent and onerous work was his public legacy.  His "People's History of Cleveland" was preceded by a history of the new town of Middlesbrough, and nearly a century on, this became the key primary source for Asa Briggs when he came to write the chapter on Middlesbrough in his pioneering work on urbanism "Victorian Cities".  Much of his work of this time has been seen, perhaps inaccurately, as simply backward looking, ruralist and 'arcadian'.  In this he was not alone as a radical.  Much progressive thinking of this time also shared this nostalgia for a supposed golden age of rural harmony, untouched by the blight of industrialism - good examples being William Morris's 'Dream of John Ball' and the works of Ruskin.  Indeed, we perhaps saw an echo of this in the dramatic speech of Winston Churchill (once an advanced Liberal) who saw a defeated Britain in 1940 as ushering in a new global dark age "made more protracted by the lights of a perverted science"

None the less, George also shared the seeming contradiction of many Victorian writers and radicals who both pined for that lost golden age, yet still saw the need to promote and advance the technological spirit of the age.  In a passage in his history of the Stockton and Darlington Railway, George regretted the pollution of industry, with  "clear rivulets running with the stinking refuse of dyehouses and factories and the wastes of towns" (a visual image he surely took from his time in Manchester and Bury) but, at the same time said that the railways, in their work of bringing people and communities closer together, were living proof of an adage of one of his heroes, Thomas Paine, in that they acted to "lose by degrees the awkwardness of strangers and the moroseness of suspicion, they learn to know and understand each other".  In this he was at one with Marx and Engels who, writing at the same time, were able to both laud the technical advances that capitalism could give birth to, but at the same time seeing these advances as ones that could help liberate an urban working class to take what they, by their skills and labour, had produced,

George also found a substitute for writing editorials in his earlier newspaper, by adding political and social commentaries in the linking sections between articles by contributors. These showed clearly that his earlier Chartist spirit had not left him.  For example, in an essay about the history of Liverpool, alongside a woodcut of its coat of arms, George takes the opportunity to comment on the evils of the city's involvement in the slave trade, using the nom-de-plume he reserved for such social ideas - Peter Proletarius (Peter of the Ordinary People), and by this strategy he aimed to not pull his punches - on Liverpool saying "When the offended player, George Frederick Cooke advanced to the footlights and told the burgesses of Liverpool, that 'the very bricks of their houses were cemented by the blood of the slave!' he acted no fictitious part, but boldly uttered a great truth, which must for ever leave an indelible stain of blood in the annals of Liverpool, which, like that on the hands of Macbeth, 'all great Neptune's ocean' cannot wash away, and 'all the perfumes of Arabia will not sweeten'".
 
This strain of radicalism continued in later pamphlets where he looked back at his earlier life against the backcloth of struggles against reaction and George's involvement in political meetings and agitation (with threats from Tory opponents) and comments arising from contemporary meetings with workers attending his lectures at Mechanics Institutes. 
 
Clearly George was a central character on the radical political scene in those times, This comes not only as a result of the obvious influence of his newspaper in the 1840s, but also from the political support he gave to the development of trades unions among local ironstone miners toward the later years of his life.
 
George knew from personal experience that Stokesley and the villages surrounding Middlesbrough during the second half of the nineteenth century, were unlike now, not rural boltholes for a wealthier class, but places where many lived in slum dwellings and squalid yards and tofts running up from the main street (Guisborough was notorious for such squalid accommodation)  and where financial decline and depopulation was endemic as a result of the national deterioration in agriculture and a shift in local trade from rural to urban locations. As for the countryside surrounding these villages, this was fast becoming an anthill for the extraction of ironstone, iron ore, jet and alum along a long swathe of land from the flanks of Roseberry Topping along to the high cliffs of Boulby and Saltburn.
 
The Tweddells were well aware of this new world on a highly personal basis, as two of their daughters married men who became ironstone miners shortly after marriage. One, son-in-law, Robert Watson, was originally a butcher and from a family of yeoman stock who had farmed in Rosedale but who was forced away from his home to work at a mine near Skelton Green, and the other, Thomas Turner, ended up labouring at another mine at nearby Brotton. Robert Watson's older brother (an agricultural worker) also moved from Rosedale with his family and settled in New Skelton. Son Tom Cole Tweddell, too, had two brothers-in-law in the mining industry. Both had been agricultural workers but moved away to the mines, one to an ironstone mine above Ingleby Arnside, the other to a pit in the southern area of the Durham coalfield. 
 
There were also mining links from grandchildren. Three of Robert Watson's daughters (i.e. George and Elizabeth's granddaughters) married the sons of miners after their grandparents' deaths to men they had met as children in Skelton Green in the 1880s. These men's fathers had originated from a variety of places; one enticed from North Norfolk (a shepherd), another from West Cornwall (a tin miner), and the third was a local agricultural labourer. Thus George had every reason to visit the East Cleveland area on a regular basis, and in doing to see the reality of daily life for the miners and their families for himself, and, from that, to involve himself in their struggles.  
 
In this connection it is interesting that the Brotton and Skelton Miners were amongst the first to embrace Trade Unionism (and with their comrades in Eston) to take explicit socialist and republican stances which were reflected in the setting up of republican clubs and the use of Union funds to underwrite wider political activity in the district.  It is, I believe, not at all fanciful to surmise that George's influence and knowledge had struck root here - he was, after all an accomplished lecturer and orator, and he never lost those skills

George's later years were spent back at the family home in Stokesley, Rose Cottage.   There was poor health in the family, and in 1899 Elizabeth died aged 75 whilst being cared for in the Stokesley Workhouse (now Springfield House), under what what now would be called 'respite nursing'. The reports of her funeral conducted in the chapel in the New Cemetery appeared in the newspaper and mentioned the severe snowstorm that prevented many of her admirers from attending. George died on 31st November 1903 aged 80 and was buried beside his well-loved wife in the South Eastern corner of the New Cemetery. In the cortege his body was carried from Rose Cottage towards his birthplace, Garden House; along the same route his mother had carried him back from his baptism 80 years before. Unfortunately, no account of his funeral has yet been found, but family tradition has it that many prestigious local and regional dignitaries as well as many relatives, joined in the funeral procession, while another tradition says the Odd Fellows present undertook a Masonic style service by the grave in George's honour.  There was little evidence of a religious element in the service, judging by the reports, although one obituary suggested that towards the end of his life he leant towards Unitarianism, whose creed which rejected doctrines such as original sin and predestination, would have certainly have appealed to him and to his belief of the abilities of ordinary people to build a better world for all.


Rose Cottage, Stokesley

George did leave much written material and this would have been invaluable in decoding and chronicling his life and times.  From this websites perspective, they would have been crucial in seeing exactly how his Zelig like existence, with the unique knack of always being on the scene at important times, meshed with his relationship with emerging socialist and radical thought - from Chartist times right through to a period when the Labour Party had become established and the local Cleveland Miners Association had embedded itself as a political power in this area.   Alas, this was not to be, as a disastrous flood following the bursting of the banks of the Rover Leven engulfed Rose Cottage, with his papers lost beyond retrieval.    


George and Elizabeth's grave
 
However, it is clear that George was someone whose DNA still runs in our genes and for his dedication, work, argument and activity for a better, more equal and democratic Teesside, we all owe him an ancestral debt.
 
David Walsh

Authors notes.  If readers want to know more about Tweddell's life and career, there are two extensive website hubs.  One, the Tweddell hub, gives links to on-line editions of much of Tweddell's published work. See http://georgemarkhamtweddell.blogspot.co.uk/p/archives.html   The other, The Tweddell history site, set up by members of the Tweddell family, hosts a detailed biography and also links to much of Tweddell's poetry.  See http://www.tweddellhistory.co.uk/
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